THE ANNALS THE WORLD

[Soldier4Christ]

2905. When the Byzantines saw what the Rhodians had done with Prusias, they tried to get help from Attalus and Achaeus. Attalus wanted to help but Achaeus was pressing so heavily on him, he could offer very little help. Achaeus, whose dominions stretched far and near on this side the Taurus Mountains and who had recently assumed the title of king, promised them all the help that he could give. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 314.) They also sent for Tibites from Macedonia to be their general in this war against Prusias. It was thought that the whole kingdom of Bithynia, belonged as well to Tibites as to Prusias the nephew of Tibites. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 316.)

2906. Prusias feared the coming of his uncle Tibites and pulled down all citadels and places of any strength that were in the kingdom. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 318.)

2907. The Rhodians tried to draw away Achaeus from helping the Byzantines. They sent to Ptolemy and desired him to give them Andromachus, who was at that time a prisoner in Alexandria. They wanted to present him as a gift of their own to his son Achaeus. When this was done along with some other deeds of honour done to him by the Rhodians, the Byzantines lost their main supporter in the war. When Tibites was being escorted from Macedonia, he died in the way. This greatly thwarted their purposes. Cavarus was a petty king of those Gauls who were in Thrace, (according to Polybius, in Excerpt. Balesii p. 26. and Athenaus l. 6. c. 6.) He came at that time to Byzantium and mediated a peace between them, Prusias and the Rhodians. The Byzantines agreed to stop charging any more tolls on their ships and Prusias was to restore what he had taken from Byzantium. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 317, 318.)

2908. At the same time, Mithridates king of Pontus made war on the people of Sinope, who borrowed 140,000 drachmas from the Rhodians. They used the money to fortify their city and all that peninsula on which their city was located. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 323.)

3786a AM, 4495 JP, 219 BC

2909. Antiochus besieged Dura in Phoenicia, a city which Cl. Ptolemey calls Dora. Because the place was naturally well fortified, he could not take it. Nicloaus, a captain of Philopater's sent them relief. Because winter was coming, he was contented to make a truce with them for 4 months. Some ambassadors sent by Philopator persuaded him to do this. He would not grant a longer truce, nor spend more time there than necessary away from his own dominions. It was obvious that Achaeus intended to invade his kingdom and there was no doubt that Philopator was helping Achaeus. Therefore he sent away the ambassadors and put garrisons in suitable places. He left the care of all things there to Theodotus and he returned to Seleucia. He sent his army to their winter quarters but took no care of keeping them in military condition. He thought that the rest of the cities would submit to him without any great deal of fighting because he had already gotten a part of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. He thought he could win the war with words rather than by fighting. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 409.)

3786 AM, 4496 JP, 218 BC

2910. However in the spring, events did not unfold as he planned. He took his army from their winter quarters and planned to attack his enemies by sea and land and by force to subdue the remainder of Coelosyria that withstood him. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 411.)

2911. Pilopator committed the charge of all his wars to Nicolaus the Etolian. He made Gaza the storehouse for the war effort and place all his provisions for the war there. He sent his armies by sea and land. He appointed Perigemes the admiral of his naval forces. He had only 30 fighting ships but had 400 cargo ships. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 411.)

2912. Antiochus marched as far as Marathos when ambassadors came to him from the isle of Aradus. They desired his friendship. He agreed to this and also settled the differences between them and their neighbours who dwelt on the continent and made them good friends after that. Antiochus entered by the way of Theu-prosopon into Phoenicia and came to Berytus. On his way he attacked the Botrys and took it. He burned Treres and Calamus to the ground. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 411.)

2913. Before the main battle, he divided his army into 3 parts. He gave one part to Theodotus, the other to Menedemus and the 3rd he reserved for the sea under the command of Diocles. He had made Diocles the governor of Parapotamia that bordered on the Euphrates River. He had his bodyguards around him for protection. He went to see how the battle was going and to help if needed. Diognetus prepared the naval forces for Antiochus and Perimenes did the same for Philopator. Each kept as close to the land as they possibly could. At last when a general signal was given, the battle was joined on land and sea. At sea neither side won and parted on even terms. On land after a strong fight, Theodotus routed Nicolaus. In the chase, 2000 of his men were killed and at least that many taken prisoner. The rest fled into Sidon. When Perigines saw that the land battle was lost, he retreated at sea and came to Sidon. Without delay, Antiochus came there with his whole army and besieged it. He did not attack it because there were many men inside it and they had many provisions to keep them alive. (Polyb. l. 4. 412, 413.)

2914. When P. Cornel. Scipio and T. Sempronius Longus were consuls at Rome, Hannibal made a difficult crossing of the Alps and came down into Italy in the summer of this year. (Livy l. 21.) This was in the latter end of the 2nd year of Olymp. 140 and from that time we indicate the start of the second Carthaginian war or the war of Hannibal. This is described in detail by Polybius and Livy. Silius Italicus describes it in poetry and Appianus Alexandrinus, in his Hannibalica. This war enhanced the fame of the Carthagenians and Romans all over the world. The effect was first felt in Greece, then in Asia, properly so called, and its islands. All men began to look to them and not to Philip, Antiochus or Ptolemy any longer. (Polyg. l. 4. p. 443.)

2915. In the same summer that Hannibal came into Italy, Antiochus attacked Palistine. He ordered Diognetus his admiral to take his foot soldiers to Tyre. Antiochus marched with his army to Philoteria, a city seated upon the Lake of Tiberias into which the Jordon River flows. From there the river runs through the country adjoining the city of Scythopolis, which Josephus calls Bethshan in the tribe of Manasseh. When he had captured both of these cities and left garrisons to hold them, he crossed the mountains and came to Atabyrium. This is the city called Tabor and is located on a hill whose top is almost 2 miles in circumference. Antiochus drew them out in small skirmishes. He had his vanguard go close to the walls and then feign to flee. This they did. When the townsmen came out and pursued them, they were attacked by those who lay in ambush. Many were killed. With the rest of the army, Antiochus attacked and captured the city. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 413.)

[Soldier4Christ]

2916. At the same time, Keraeas, a commander of Ptolemy Philopator, defected from him to Antiochus. Antiochus received him so graciously that Hippolochus a Thessalian with his 400 cavalry all defected. Antiochus left a strong garrison in Atabysium. He went and subdued Pella, Camus and Gephrus which surrendered to him. After this great success, the Arabians who bordered on those parts, unanimously joined their forces with those of Antiochus. Antiochus was encouraged by these events and trusted in the resources of Arabia. He marched into the country of Galatis and subdued the area and took the city Abyla. All those, who were under the command of Nicias, came to help them. There remained only Gadara to be taken and was reputed to be by far the strongest city in all that region. Therefore Antiochus came and showed himself before it. He began to cast up his works against them. The very sight of this terrified the inhabitants and they surrendered to him. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 414.)

2917. In the same summer in Pamphylia, the Pednelissenses were besieged by the Slegenses and were in danger of being taken. They sent and asked for help from Achaeus. He immediately sent 6000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry under the command of Garsieres. He planned to enter the town by the way of Mylias but found that the passes were controlled by the Selgenses. Thereupon, he feigned as if he would leave. When the Selgenses saw him go, they went their way too. Some went to the camp and others to their harvest which was ready to be gathered. When Gasieres knew this, he turned back quickly and crossed the pass of Mylias near Climax without any opposition. He left a strong guard there and then committed the whole war and defence of Pednelissa to Phaylus. He was going to Perga and stirred up all the people of Pamphylia and Pisidia to come and help the distressed. Thereupon the people of Aspendus sent them 4000 foot soldiers, those of Etenna sent 8000 men. The Slegenses by there rash actions were badly defeated and lost 10,000 men. They fled home to Selga. Phaylus closely persuaded them. They were so afraid that they immediately sent Logbasis to sue for peace. Instead, he betrayed them. When a truce was declared, the enemy soldiers came freely into Selga. The town's people sent secretly to Achaeus and put themselves at his mercy to deal with them as he thought best. Meanwhile, Logbasis plotted to betray the town to their enemies. When things were now ripe to do this, his plot was discovered. They executed him, his fellow conspirators and all the enemies in the area. Then, Achaeus seriously began to negotiate a peace between them. The men of Selga were agreeable to this. Thereupon they were to pay 400 talents of current money and 300 more later. The Pednelissens were to restore to them all their prisoners without ransom. When Achaeus had gotten Mylias and the greater part of Pamphylia into his hands, he immediately marched to Sardis. After constantly harassing Attalus in war, he began to threaten Prusias. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 415-420.)

2918. While Achaeus was busy in making war against the men of Selga, Attalus was not idle. He enlisted the Gauls, called the Tectosagi of Europe. He sent for them from Europe to fight against Achaeus because of their reputation for valour. He marched through the cities of Eolis and other nearby cities. They had all submitted to Achaeus out of fear. All Cuma, Smyrna and Phocaea voluntarily yielded to Attalus. Those of Egea and Lemnos yielded to him from fear at his first approach. Ambassadors came to him from the Teians and Colophonians. When they had given hostages, he controlled them subject to the conditions they had before. He continued on and crossed the Lycus River. He came into the country inhabited by the Mysians. He went through that and came to the borders of the Carsenses. He so frightened these people and those who kept Didyma-tiche and Themistocles whom Achaeus had left to hold them for him, surrendered them to Attalus. He left there and ravaged all the region of Asia. He passed the hill of Pellicante and camped on the bank of the Megistus River. While he was there, the moon was totally eclipsed. The Gauls were weary of so long an expedition with their wives and children in their company. They pretended that this eclipse was a bad omen and would go no further. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 240.) On September 1st, near the beginning of the of the night, the moon was eclipsed for more than an hour.

2919. Attalus feared lest his Gauls would defect to Achaeus and would attack his countries. They would not do this because of his word that they came from Europe to Asia. He escorted them all back safely to the Hellespont where they first landed. He gave them lands to live on and promised that if at any time later they needed his help he would be ready to aid them. He summoned those of Lampsacus, Alexandria and Ilium to him. He commended them for remaining loyal to him. After this he returned with his army to Pergamos. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 421.)

3787a AM, 4496 JP, 218 BC

2920. Antiochus was told that a large enemy army was assembled in the Arabian city of Rabatamana or Rabbath-Ben-Ammon. After Antiochus had plundered all the country around there, he marched toward the city. He came near to the little hills where the city stood and went and viewed the enemy. He learned that there were only two ways to get into the city. Therefore he located his batteries against those two places to break down the wall. Nacarchus was in charge of the one site and Theodotus the other. When they breached the wall, much to their surprise the inhabitants quickly repaired the breaches. Antiochus' men laboured day and night without stopping with all the might they possibly could to get into the city. They were unable to because the damage was repaired as fast as they could inflict it. At last, one of the prisoners in the camp showed them an underground way the inhabitants used to get their water. He quickly sealed it up and the city was forced to surrender for lack of water. When the king had captured the place, he left Nicarchus with a sufficient garrison to hold it. He sent Hippolochus and Kiras who had defected from Ptolemy, with 5000 foot soldiers to the country adjoining Samaria to govern that province. They were to protect his friends in those parts. He went with his army to Ptolemais to winter there. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 414, 415.)

3787b AM, 4497 JP, 217 BC

2921. Cn. Servilius started his consulship at Rome on the ides, or 7th day of March. Among the omens that happened when the senate did this was, that in Sardinia, the sun was dimmer than it normally is. In Arpi the sun and the moon seemed to fight with each other. Ca. Flamminius the other consul, who was with the army in the spring of this year was disastrously defeated by Hannibal at Lake Trasimene in Etruria. He and 15,000 of his men were killed. (Livy l. 22.) On Feburary 11 there was an eclipse of the sun in Sardinia.

[Soldier4Christ]

3787c AM, 4497 JP, 217 BC

2922. Polybius (Polyb. l. 5. p. 442.) states that as well as that great battle at Trasimene another battle was fought in the east between Antiochus and Philopator over Coelosyria. This was fought toward the later end of the 3rd year of the 150th Olymp. at a place called Raphia. He describes it thus:

``In the beginning of this spring, Antiochus and Ptolemy had made final preparations for war. The fate of Coelosyria was to be decided in the next battle. Therefore, Ptolemy with 70,000 foot soldiers, 5000 cavalry and 73 elephants, left Alexandria. (Polyb. l. 5. p. 421.) First, he camped at Pelusium, where he stayed until the rest of his army came to him. When he had given every man his allowance of grain, he marched on through a desert country near the Casius Mountains and the Barathra and came to Gaza. After a five day march, he came to his planned destination and camped within 6 miles of Raphia. This is the first city of Syria, except for Rhinocorura, which a man meets when he leaves Egypt for Coelosyria.'' (Polyb. l. 5. p. 422.)

2923. At the same time Antiochus came there with his army of 72,000 foot soldiers, 6000 cavalry and 102 elephants. After he passed the walls of Raphia, he camped the first night about 1 1/4 miles and the next day came within 5/8 of a mile of Ptolemy's camp, (Polyb. l. 5. p. 422.)

2924. At that time, Theodotus the Etolian, who was previously well known in Ptolemy's court and knew well his daily routine tried to kill Ptolemy. He and two others about break of day, came inside his trenches. The next night they got into the king's pavilion, hoping to kill him alone. However, Dositheus, who was a Jew by birth but no longer observed the Jewish religion, had moved the king to another tent. He had common men occupy the king's bed that night. When Theodotus broke into the kings tent that night, he wounded two of the guards and killed Andraeas, the king's chief physician. So the king returned untouched to his own tent again. (Polyb. l. 5. p. 422. & /RAPC 3Ma 1:2,3)

2925. After the armies had camped there for 5 days, the battle was joined. (Polyb. l. 5. p. 422.) When Antiochus appeared to be winning, Arsinoe, Ptolemy's sister, went among the soldiers with her hair hanging about her ears and cried to them that they should fight bravely and defend their own wives and children. She promised them that if they won, they would each be given two pounds in gold. This revitalized the army and they killed many of the enemy and took many prisoners. (Polyb. l. 5. 424, 425 & /RAPC 3Ma 1:4,5)

2926. In that fight, Antiochus lost almost 10,000 foot soldiers and more than 300 cavalry. 4000 were taken prisoner. 3 elephants were killed in the fight and 2 died later from their wounds. Ptolemy lost 1500 foot soldiers and 700 cavalry. 16 of his elephants were killed and the rest were captured. (Polyb. l. 5. p. 427.)

2927. When Antiochus had buried his dead he returned home with the rest of his army. Ptolemy went back again to Raphia and the rest of the places which had been taken from him. They voluntarily surrendered to him and strove to see who would be the first at recognising his kingship. This was particularly true of the Coelosyrians because they were always inclined to serve the Ptolemys. On this occasion, they exceeded all others in honouring him with crowns, sacrifices, altars and other such expressions of their affection. (Polyb. l. 5. p. 427, 428.) Ptolemy visited the cities adjoining that place and bestowed gifts on their temples. By this he encouraged the people to remain loyal to him. (/RAPC 3Ma 1:6,7)

2928. The Jews sent some of their sanhedrin and elders to offer him their service and to present him with gifts. They congratulated him after so great a victory. It happened that he was more anxious to visit and honour their city with his presence. When he came, he greatly admired the beauty of their temple and would have gone into the Holy of Holies. Only the high priest could enter there and that once a year. When the Jews refused that request, the king wanted all the more to enter it. He went into the temple and all the temple was filled with crying and howling and the city in a tumult. Then Simon the high priest knelt down in the temple, that is between the temple and the altar and prayed to God for help in this time of trouble. Thereupon, the king fell into such a horror of mind and body that he was unable to speak and was carried half dead from the temple. (/RAPC 3Ma 1:8-2:33)

2929. As soon as Antiochus was returned to Antioch, he sent Antipater, his brother's son, and Theodotus Hemiolius as his ambassadors to Ptolemy to sue for peace between them. Ptolemy was content with this surprise victory and with the recovery of Coelosyria. After a few sharp words with the ambassadors and complaining about the unjust dealings of Antiochus, he granted a truce for a year. He sent Sosibius to ratify it with Antiochus. (Polyb. l. 5. p. 428, with Justin l. 30. c. 1.)

3787d AM, 4497 JP, 217 BC

2930. When Ptolemy had spent three months in Syria and Phoenicia in settling matters there, he left Andromachus from Aspendus in Asia, to govern all that country. He with his sister Arsinoe and his friends returned to Alexandria. His subjects knowing how he lived, marvelled at how he had ended this war against Antiochus. Antiochus ratified the truce in the pretence of Sosibius. Antiochus began a war on Achaeus as he formerly planned to do. (Polyb. l. 5. p. 428.)

3788 AM, 4498 JP, 216 BC

2931. Antiochus spent the winter in making his provisions with all possible care. The next spring he crossed the Taurus Mountains and made a league with Attalus. He started his war on Achaeus. (Polyb. l. 5. p. 444-446.) He besieged Achaeus in Sardis. Daily there were skirmishes between the two sides as each side tried to get the upper hand by any means they could. (Polyb. l. 7. p. 506.)

2932. When the Gauls, whom Attalus had settled in Hellespont, besieged the city of Ilium, the Alexandrenser, who dwelt in Troas sent their captain Themistas with 4000 men. He expelled them from all the territories of Troas. He kept all the provisions from them and attacked them everywhere. When the Gauls could no longer stay there, they went and took over the city of Arisba and the territories of Abidus. They used that as a base to take over the rest of the surrounding country. Thereupon Prusias, king of Bithynia, went out and attacked them. After he had defeated them, he attacked their camp and slaughtered their wives and children and all the rest of them. He gave their spoil to the soldiers for their reward. (Polyb. l. 5. p. 447.)

2933. When Ptolemy returned to Egypt, he resumed his old lifestyle and wallowed in all manner of gluttony and luxury. (Polyb. l. 14. in Excerpt. Hen. Vales p. 62.) He grew more and more mad by this kind of living. He indulged himself with uncleanness and lechery. He also vexed the Jews of Alexandria with infamous and false reports spread against them. He tried by all means to turn them away from the true worship of the living God. Those that refused, he commanded to be slain. He expelled them from all offices of dignity. He branded them with hot irons in the face with the sign of an ivy leaf because that was the sign of Bacchus. Those that abandoned their religion, he allowed to enjoy equal rights and privileges with the native Macedonians in Alexandria.

2934. Many abandoned their religion and others bought their peace with money. They saved their lives and escaped having their faces branded. Those who continued in the religion of there forefathers, remained loyal to the king but excommunicated and had no dealings those who had apostatized from their religion. By this action, their enemy assumed that they really opposed the king and tried to make his subjects defect. Philopator became very angry with the Jews in Alexandria and throughout all Egypt. He ordered that they be gathered into one place so he could destroy them all. The king's officers were allowed 40 days to do this, from the 25th day of the month Pachon to the 4th day of the month Epiphi, according to the fixed year of Alexandria. Some later historians assume without any basis that this calendar was never used until after the naval battle at Actium between Augustus and Anthony. This period was from May 20th to July 29th. Three days were allotted for the massacre. That is from the 5th to the 7th of Epiphus, inclusively.

2935. Upon the appointed time, the Jews of Alexandria were all brought into the hippodrome. They were first reviled and set at naught by all that passed by. Then the king called for Hermon, the master of the elephants. He ordered him before the next day to make his 500 elephants to drink with wine mingled with myrrh or frankincense. This would make them grow more fierce and stark mad. He would let them go and drive them on the Jews to tear and trample them all to pieces. The next day, the king fell into a dead sleep and did not awake until dinner time. By that time all the people that came there to see the event had gone home again. On the 3rd day, when the elephants were all prepared and ready to attack them, 2 angels appeared who were very terrible to look at. They came down from heaven and so amazed all the people who were there that they stood still and did not move. The king fell into a trance and relented of his fury toward those poor prisoners. Most interestingly, the elephants did not attack the Jews. They turned around and attacked and trampled the soldiers behind them.

[Soldier4Christ]

2936. Then the king commended the Jews for their loyalty and released their fetters. He acknowledged that their God had delivered them. For 7 days long, from the 7th to the 14th of Epiphus (July 2-9th) he feasted them. After this the Jews obtained permission from the king to execute those Jews who had apostatized from their religion. They said that those who, for their belly's sake, had forsaken the laws and commandments of their God would never prove loyal to their king. They killed 300 on the way as they went and came at last to Ptolemias on the Nile River in Arsinoise Nomo. It is called Rhodophorus from the abundance of roses that grew there. Their fleet attended them for 7 days. There they altogether made a feast of thanksgiving. The king himself gave every man a generous allowance for his homeward expenses. Thereupon they returned home joyfully. Some went by land, others by sea and some by the river. This is described in detail in /RAPC 3Ma 1:1 - 7:23. Phlostorgius in the beginning of his Ecclesiastical History, calls it the "Librum portentosum", that is "A book of miracles".

2937. The Egyptians grew insolent and proud with their success at the battle of Raphia against Antiochus. They never liked Philopator after that. They sought a captain of their own with enough power to quell the like of him. This they did shortly after. (Polyb. l. 5. c. 444.)

3789 AM, 4499 JP, 215 BC

2938. Philopator was now forced to make a war upon his rebelling subjects. (Polyb. l. 5. c. 444) His recent actions ensured the loyalty of the Jews. From Eusebius and Jornandes his Chron. that about this time there were about 60,000 Jews killed in a battle. Such a large slaughter has caused Demetrius, who wrote a book of the Kings of the Jews, to think it reasonable to record the years from the captivity of Babylon or the carrying away of the Jews into Assyria down to the reign of this Philopator as recorded by Clemens Alexandrinus. (l. 1. Stromat.) From there we gather that this Demetrius the historian, wrote after the days of Philopator but before that vast desolation brought upon the Jews by Antiochus Epiphanes. If he knew of the latter he would have described it in the same terms he did of the former calamities of the Jews.

2939. The city of Sardis except the citadel, through the work of Lagoras the Cretian, was taken by Antiochus in the 2nd year after he besieged it. (Polyb. l. 7, p. 506-510.)

2940. Sosibius managed all matters in Egypt under Philopator. He confirmed with Bolis, a Cretian, how to deliver Achaeus, who was besieged in the citadel at Sardis from this danger. Bolis arranged with Cambylus, the captain of the Cretians, who served under Antiochus and got Achaeus out of the citadel but delivered him alive into Antiochus' hands. Antiochus first had his hands and his feet cut off. Then he had his head chopped off and sown in an asses belly. His body was hung on a cross. In the citadel, some held with Ariobazus the governor of Sardis, others with Laodice, the widow of Achaeus and daughter of Mithridates king of Pontus. They were at odds with each other but quickly resolved to surrender themselves and the citadel to Antiochus. (Polyb. l. 8. p. 522, 529.)

3790 AM, 4500 JP, 214 BC

2941. Lacydes of Cyrenia, was the master of the new academy for 26 years. He was the only man who resigned the position while he was alive. He turned it over to Telecles and Evander both of Phocaea. (Laert. in Lacyde.)

3792 AM, 4502 JP, 212 BC

2942. Antiochus attacked Media and Parthia and other provinces which had revolted from his ancestors. (Appian. in Syriac. in Mitio.) He made an expedition against Arsaces, who was the main founder of the Parthian Empire. This is described in detail in the 10th book of Polybius. (Polyb. l. 10. p. 597-602.)

3793 AM, 4503 JP, 211 BC

2943. When P. Sulpitius and Cu. Fulvius, were consuls of Rome, the praetor, Laevius made a league with the Etolians in Greece and Attalus king of Pergamus in Asia. (Livy l. 27. Justin, l. 29. c. 4. Eutrop. l. 3.) Attalus kept the agreement with the Romans until he died. (Polyb. p. 820.)

3794 AM, 4504 JP, 210 BC

2944. M. Attalus and Manius Acilius were sent as ambassadors from Rome to Ptolemy and Cleopatra in Egypt at Alexandria to remind them of the league and to renew it. They gave him a gown and a robe of scarlet with a throne all made of ivory. She received an embroidered gown and a scarlet fur coat. (Justin l. 30. c. 1.& 4.)

3795 AM, 4505 JP, 209 BC

2945. Ptolemy Epiphanes was born to Ptolemy Philopator by Euridice, his wife who was also his sister. When he was 5 years old, he succeeded his father in the kingdom of Egypt. (Justin l. 30 c. 1, 2.) His birthday was first solemnly celebrated by all the great men and others of Syria and the country in his dominion. Every man made a journey to Alexandria to congratulate him on the birth of his son. Among these was Joseph the Jew, the son of Tobias and of the daughter of Simon the Just, the high priest. Joseph was the collector of his tributes throughout Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine. He sent his youngest son Hyrcanus who was born by the daughter of Solymius, his older brother, to kiss the king's hand. He sent letters to his agent Arion, who had the managing of all his money at Alexandria. He had over 3000 talents there. Arion was to supply him with money to buy the most expensive present for the king that the place had. The most expensive present the king had received was not worth more than 20 talents. Hyrcanus brought with him 100 beautiful boys and as many maidens. He gave them 1000 talents to offer to the king. The boys were a gift for the king and the girls a gift for Cleopatra the queen. The king greatly admired this so great and unexpected a present. He royally entertained the young man with all honour and royal gifts. He wrote royal letters of commendation to his father and brethren and to all his commanders and chief officers in those parts. The king dismissed him in a most honourable fashion. However, his brethren (who were 7 in number but begotten by another wife) were jealous of the great honour the king had given him. They met him on the way and planned to murder him. His father knew of this and did not care because he was angry with him for the extravagant cost of the gift he gave to the king. When his brothers attacked him, he killed two of them and various others in their company. When he came to Jerusalem, no man there would look upon him. He feared the worst, and exiled himself to the regions beyond Jordan. (Joseph. l. 12. c. 4.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3796 AM, 4506 JP, 208 BC

2946. Philippus, king of Macedonia, fought two battles against the Etolians. Although they were helped by Rome, from Attalus the king, and ships from Prusius, king of Bithynia, they were defeated both times. Attalus and P. Sulpitius the proconsul in those parts, wintered that year in the isle of Egina, (Livy l. 27. & Polyb. l. 10. p. 612, 613, 851.)

2947. In the beginning of the spring, Sulpitius and Attalus joined together and sailed to Lemnos. From there they came into Eubaea and captured Oreum and Opus. When Attalus heard Prusias had invaded his kingdom, he left the Romans and the war in Etolia and sailed into Asia. Philippus came to Etolia, where he had arranged for the ambassadors from Ptolemy and from the Rhodians to meet him. While they tried to end the war in Etolia, news arrived that Niachanidas the tyrant of Lacedemon, was ready to attack the Eleans while they were busy about their solemn games at Olympus. (Livy. l. 28.) This summer began the 143rd. Olympiad.

3797 AM, 4507 JP, 207 BC

2948. Polybius (l. 15. p. 719.) states that Arsinoe the queen and sister of Ptolemy was murdered by Philammon as arranged for by Sosibius. See also (Hen. Vales. Excerpt. p. 65.) In Justin, (l. 30. c. 1.) we find that Philopator slew Eurydice who was his wife and sister. It seems that Polybius' Arsinoe, Justin's Eurydice and Livy's and Josephus' Cleopatra were all the same person. (See notes on 3794 AM & 3795 AM.)

2949. When she was dead, whatever her name was, Philopator fell in love with Agathoclia, a female musician and with her brother Agathocles in a homosexual way. To everyone's amazement, he put Agathocles in charge of his kingdom. He did not know the ways of the court or the state affairs. These two arranged to have their mother Oenauthe taken care of too. She endeared herself into the king's affection also. Agathocles always stayed near the king and ruled the whole state. The women gave all the offices and military positions of the state to whomever they pleased. The king himself, who was now in their hands, could do the least of any man in his own kingdom. (Polyb. l. 15. p. 720. & in Excerpt. Vales. p. 65. Justin, l. 30. c. 1, 2, Plut. in Erotico & in Cleom. Athena. l. 6. c. 6. l. 13. c. 13. Hieronym. on Da 11.)

2950. The people wanted a man to execute their anger on Agathocles and Agathoclia. They were forced to bide their time for the present and placed their hopes on Tlepolemus. (Polyb. p. 66. Excerpt. Vales.) This young man behaved himself well and had done military exploits. At that time, he was managing the king's treasure. He used the funds not as an officer but rather like a young heir. He soon disliked and hated the court. Ptolemy the son of Sosibius, (of whom I spoke earlier) returned from Philippus in Macedonia with the other ambassadors. It seems they had been sent there the previous year. He began to speak his mind rather freely about Tlepolemus. He found that every man at court agreed with him. (Polyb. l. 16. p. 82, 85. & Excerpt. Vales.)

3798 AM, 4508 JP, 206 BC

2951. This discontent was fanned when the courtiers in an public assembly complained about Tlepolemus. Tlepolemus on the other side planned to accuse them all to the king. Sosibius heard this. He had both the keeping of the king's seal and custody of his person. He gave the seal to Tlepolemus who did all things after this in the state as he wished. (Polyb. l. 16. p. 85, 86.)

3799 AM, 4509 JP, 205 BC

2952. During the consulship of P. Cornel. Scipio and P. Licimus Crassus, the college of the Decemviri found this written in the books of the Sibylla which they kept. It said:

``Whenever a foreign enemy should make war on Italy, he might be driven out again and overcome if the image of the mother of the gods at Ida, which fell from heaven, were sent for and brought to Rome.''

2953. Thereupon, 5 ambassadors were sent to king Attalus to desire the image from him and to bring her by sea to them. These 5, each had a ship of five tiers of oars for the journey. To obtain a favourable reply, as soon as they arrived they were to ingratiate themselves and to promote a good opinion of the Roman name and majesty of their state. Attalus received and entertained these ambassadors at Pergamus very kindly. He led them to Pessinuntis in Phrygia and turned over to them that sacred stone which the people who lived there said was the mother of the gods. He asked them to carry it to Rome as they desired. (Livy l. 29.)

2954. In the prologue to the 30th of Trogus, it is noted that Antiochus' expedition subdued all the upper provinces of Asia as far as Bactria. There he spent a long time trying unsuccessfully to expel Euthydemus from that province. He was finally forced to come to an agreement and make a league with him. To ratify this, Euthydemus sent his own son, Demetrius, to Antiochus. Antiochus saw his behaviour and judged him a man worthy to be a king. First he promised to give him one of his daughters to marry. Then he gave his father permission to assume the title of king. Lastly, they subscribed to the other articles of the league between them. He took his oath for the true observance of them. Antiochus distributed provisions generously among his soldiers and moved his camp. Euthydemus had given him all the elephants which he had with him. (Polyb. l. 11. p. 651.)

2955. Antiochus crossed the Caucasus Mountains and re-entered India. He renewed the league and friendship he had made previously with King Sophagasenus. He gave Antiochus more elephants. He distributed more grain among his army and so returned. He left Androsthenes of Cyzucum, to bring him later the treasure which Spophagasenus had promised him. (Polyb. l. 11. p. 652,)

[Soldier4Christ]

3800 AM, 4510 JP, 204 BC

2956. He then came to Arachosia. He crossed the river Erymanthus and went through the country of Drangia and came into Carmania. Since winter was coming, he placed his troops about the country. Polyb. l. 11. p. 652.)

2957. The Romans made a peace with Philippus king of Macedonia. The parties to the league were Philippus, Prusias the king of Bithynia, the Romans, the state of Ilium and Attalus the king of Pergam. (Polyb. l. 11. p. 652,)

2958. Philopator died at Alexandria. Ptolemy surnamed Epiphanes, that is the "noble" succeeded him. Appianus in his Syriac, surnames him also Philopator, after his father's surname. He assumed the throne when 4 years old according to Hieronym. on Da 11. Justin says he was 5 years old. He reigned 24 years. (Cl. Ptolem. in Reg. Can. Clemens Alexandr. Porphys. Euseb. and Jerome)

2959. Philopator's death was concealed for a long time, while Agathoclia and Oenanthe her mother, rifled the king's treasury. They got all his money and put the affairs of state under the control of their lewd companions. (Justin l. 40. c. 3.) Finally, Agathocles assembled the leaders of the Macedonians. He came with his sister Agathoclia and the young king. He told them that when the king was dying he committed the care of the child to his sister. He produced the testimony of Critolaus, who said that Tlepolemus was about to invade the kingdom and become the next king of Egypt. He said the same things wherever he went. The people scorned him. To make his disagreement with Tlepolemus more obvious to everyone, he took Danae, Tlepolemus' mother-in-law, from the temple of Ceres. He dragged her through the open streets and put her in prison. He laid hands on Moeragenes, one of the guard, because he gave information of all these things to Tlepolemus and favoured him. (He could do no less, in regard of that friendship that was between him and Adaeus, the governor of Bubastis.) Agathocles turned him over to his secretary Nicostratus to be tortured. However, he mysteriously escaped the rack and got away stark naked. He fled to the Macedonians and stirred them up against Agathocles. (Polyb. l. 15. p. 712-714.)

2960. When all the people came flocking to the court in a tumultuous manner, Agathocles took the king with him and went and hid himself in a place called Syringes. This was a gallery or walkway which had on all sides 3 walls and gates to go through before one could come to it. The Macedonians forced him to deliver the king to them. When they had received him, they brought him out to the people and put him on a royal throne. This was a great joy and comfort to all who saw him. Shortly after this, they brought out Agathocles who was well fettered. The first person that met him, cut his throat. Then Nico was brought and then Agathoclia with her sisters and all that generation of them. Finally Oenanthe was hauled from the temple. They were all stark naked and placed on a jade and were brought into the Piatsoe. They were all turned over to the people to do with as they liked. Some started tearing them with their teeth, some lanced them with their knives and others pulled out their eyes. Any who were killed were pulled to pieces until there wqs nothing left. At the same time also, the maidens who attended Arsinoe while she lived, heard that Philammon was come from Cyrene to Alexandria. He was mainly responsible for her murder. They broke into his house and slew him with staves and stones. They found and strangled his little child. They dragged his wife stark naked into the street and cut her throat. (Polyb. l. 15. p. 716, 718, 719.) When the fury of the people was spent, the management of the affairs of the kingdom was committed to Aristomenes, who was born in Acarnania. (Polyb. l. 15. p. 717, & l. 17. p. 771, 772.) He was made governor of the king and kingdom and administered its affairs with a great deal of moderation and wisdom. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 294.)

2961. When Antiochus the king of Syria and Philippus the king of Macedonia, heard of the death of Philopator, they plotted how to get and divide his kingdom between them. They encouraged one another and planned to murder the young king. (Polyb. l. 15. p. 705, Livy, l. 31. Justin, l. 30. c. 3.) Polybius (l. 3. p. 159.) says this:

``When Ptolemy the king was died, Antiochus and Philippus agreed together to share the estate of the young king between them. Philip started this wicked deed by capturing Egypt and Caria and Antiochus took over Coelosyria and Phoenicia.''

2962. Jerome on Da 11 says:

``Philippus, king of Macedonia and Antiochus the Great, conspired together and made war on Agathocles, (he should have said, Aristomenes) and the young king Ptolemy Epiphanes. The condition was that each would take his dominions which bordered his own kingdom.''

2963. Josephus (l. 18. Antiq. c. 3.) gives us more information where he says:

``When Antiochus Magnus reigned in Asia, both Judea and Coelosyria lived in a continual state of trouble. There was a constant war going on. First Antiochus fought with Philopator and later with Epiphanes his son. Whether he won or lost these countries were blighted by him and were tossed and tumbled between his prosperous and adverse fortunes like a ship in the sea between contrary waves. Finally Antiochus had the upper hand and added Judea to his dominions. When Philopator was dead, Epiphanes sent a large army into Coelosyria under his general Scopas. He recovered both Coelosyria and our country for him again, &c.''

2964. He basically said that Antiochus after a long war with Philopator and Epiphanes over of the land of Judea took it finally from Epiphanes. Epiphanes by his general Scopas, recovered it from him again. However he lost it a second time to Antiochus. Eusebius missed this and says that in the 10th year of Philopater:

``Antiochus had overcome Philopater and added Judea to the rest of his dominions.''

2965. In the first year of Epiphanes, Eusebius in his Chron. says:

``Ptolemy Epiphanes, by his General Scopas, took Judea.''

2966. However after Antiochus' defeat at Raphia, we do not find anywhere that he made war on Philopater again. The league, which was made after that battle, was first broken by Antiochus in the very first year of Epiphanes. Scopas was not in charge of that war as appears later. This is shown by Jerome on Da 11 where he says:

``When Ptolemy Philopator was dead, Antiochus broke the league he made with him. He led an army against Ptolemy' son, who was then only 4 years old and was surnamed Epiphanes.''

[Soldier4Christ]

3801 AM, 4511 JP, 203 BC

2967. When Cn. Servilius Caepio and Cn. Servilius Geminus were consuls in Rome, at Frusino the sun seemed to be surrounded with a little circle and then that circle again was surrounded by a greater body of the sun, (Livy l. 30.) This seems to have been the total eclipse of the sun that happened on May 6th according to the Julian Calender.

2968. The Carthaginians were worn down with the continual victories of P. Scipio and gave up hope of defeating him. They recalled Hannibal from Italy to help them. After Hannibal was 16 years in Italy, he left and returned to Africa. (Livy l. 30.)

2969. Philippus, king of Macedonia, sent Heraclides a Tarentine, and a most vicious fellow to Rhodes to destroy their fleet. He then sent ambassadors to Crete to stir them up to a war against the Rhodians. (Polyb. l. 13. p. 672, 673.)

2970. There was a naval battle between Philippus king of Macedonia and the Rhodians near the Isle of Lada. He captured 2 of their ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece. The rest of their fleet fled into the open sea. They were beset by a bad storm and driven ashore, first on Myndia and the next day on Cos. The Macedonians followed the ships which they had taken at their sterns and went into Lada which is opposite Miletus. They refreshed themselves in the Rhodian camp which they had left. When the Milesians knew of this, they gave Philippus and Heraclides crowns when they entered Miletus. (Polyb. l. 13. p. 672, 673., in Excerpt. Vales. p. 70, 73. from Zeno and Antisthenes, two Rhodian historians.)

3802 AM, 4512 JP, 202 BC

2971. Philippus needed grain and continued to waste all Attalus' country, even to the very walls of Pergamus. He could not take any one of his cities because they were so well fortified. Neither could he get grain or other spoil from the country because Attalus had anticipated his actions. Then he attacked the temple and altars and destroyed them. He broke the very stones of them in pieces so that they might never be put together again. He utterly destroyed the Nicephorian Grove planted near the city of Pergamus and levelled to the ground many temples and shrines in the area. Phillipus left there and went first towards Thyatira but then turned back again. He went to a field called Thebes and hoped to get some booty there. He was unsuccessful and went to a place called Hiera-Come. He sent messengers to Zeuxis, the governor of Lydia under Antiochus and asked him for provisions for his army according to the peace treaty between Antiochus and Philippus. At first Zeuxis acted as if he would honour the treaty. However he resolved to do nothing to help Philippus. (Polyb. l. 16. in Excerpt. Vales. p 66, 69. with Diod. Sic. ib., p 294.)

2972. Philippus had another naval battle against Attalus and the Rhodians near the isle of Chios. 60 Rhodians and 70 men of Attalus were killed. Philippus lost 1200 of his Macedonians and 6000 of his confederates. 2000 Macedonians and 700 Egyptians were taken prisoner. Even though Philippus was defeated, he maintained his honour in two ways. He forced Attalus to flee to Erythrae. He had captured his admiral and chased the ships to their port. (??) Secondly, when he landed on the shore at Argenaum, a cape in Ionia, he made his stand to recover what he could of his navy. (Polyb. l. 16. 723-730.)

2973. When Philippus besieged Prinassa, a city of Caria, he was unable to take it by force. However, he captured it finally by a stratagem. (Polyb. l. 16. p. 730, 731) He put garrisons into Iaslus, Bargyllis and the city of Euromenses. (Polyb. l. 16. p. 731 & l. 17. p. 744.)

3803 AM, 4513 JP, 201 BC

2974. P. Cornelius Scipio utterly defeated Hannibal in Africa in the last battle of the second Carthaginian war. We read in Zonaras that the Carthaginians were amazed by a total eclipse of the sun which happened at this time. However, there was no total eclipse. Livy, (l. 30.) says that indeed the body of the sun at Zama seemed to be somewhat darkened. By the astronomical tables we know that there was a very small eclipse of the sun this year upon the 19th of our October. Some say that Hannibal fled from the battle and came to the sea side where he found a ship ready for him. He sailed directly into Asia to king Antiochus. When Scipio demanded Hannibal from the Carthaginians, they replied that he was no longer in Africa. (Livy l. 30.) Others more correctly say that Scipio never demanded him at all from them. (Plutarch in T. Q. Flamonino.)

2975. When Philippus came toward Abydus, they shut their gates against him. They would not even let his messengers in whom he sent to them. He besieged the place for a long time. So they could be delivered from him, they wanted Attalus and the Rhodians to hurry to help them. Attalus sent them only 300 men and the Rhodians who with their whole fleet anchored at Tenedus, sent them only one ship of four tiers of oars to help. The walls of the city were surrounded with engines of war. At first the men in Abydus kept Philippus' men off very manfully. They were unable to get in by land or sea. Later a breach was made in the main wall and they had cast up another within it. The Macedonians went to undermine that wall also. Then they were forced to send to Philip, to conditionally surrender. They wanted safe conduct for the Rhodian ship with the soldiers and mariners and for Attalus' men that were in the town. Lastly that they might leave with only their clothes on their backs. They could get no answer from him, unless they surrendered themselves wholly and absolutely to his mercy. Therefore in indignation and despair they became very angry. They made 50 of their leaders swear publicly that if they saw the inner wall taken by the enemy, they would go and kill every man's wife and children and throw his silver, gold and jewels into the sea. When that was done, the soldiers agreed that either they would vanquish their enemies or die fighting for their country. (Livy l. 31. Polyb. l. 16. p. 736, 737, 738.)

2976. About the same time Attalus and the Rhodians sent ambassadors to Rome. They complained of the wrongs done to them by Philippus and his Macedonians. They were told that the senate would take care of the affairs of Asia. (Livy, l. 32. with Justin l. 30. c. 3.)

2977. Three ambassadors were sent from Rome to Ptolemy and Antiochus to put an end to all differences between them. The ambassadors were, C. Clau. Nero. Mar, Emil. Lepidus and P. Sempronius Tuditanus. They came to Rhodes and heard of the siege of Abydus. They wanted to talk with Philippus. However, they followed their orders and continued on their journey to Ptolemy and Antiochus for the present time. They sent Emilius the youngest of the three, to Philippus. He met with him at Abydus and told him that the senate of Rome wanted him to stop making war on any Greek city. He was not to lay hands on anything that belonged to Ptolemy king of Egypt. If he did, he might live in peace. If he did not, he should know that the Romans were resolved and ready to make war on him. Philippus returned this reply:

``Thy age, good appearance and above all the name of a Roman makes thee speak thus boldly. However, I would tell you to remember the league and to keep peace with me. If not, I am also resolved to do my best and to make you know and feel that the power and name of a Macedonian is in no way inferior to or less noble than that of a Roman.'' (Livy l. 32. with Polyb. p. 738, 739, 787, 788.)

2978. Justin, (l. 30. c. 3.) states that M. Emil. Lepidus also was sent by the Romans into Egypt to govern the kingdom of Egypt on behalf of this young Ptolemy Epiphanes. There may be one of two reasons why this happened. They may have received an embassy sent to them from Alexandria to take over the guardianship of the young king and to defend the kingdom of Egypt. Antiochus and Philippus were said to have already divided the kingdom between them. (Justin l. 30. c. 2.) Another possibility is that the father on his death bed committed to them this charge. (Justin l. 31. c. 1.) Concerning this Valer. Max. (l. 6. c. 6.) says this:

``The king Ptolemy had left the people of Rome as the guardian of his son while he was under age. Therefore the senate sent M. Emil. Lepidus, the High Pontiff and one that had been then twice consul to Alexandria. He was to take care of the child's estate. He was a very honest and a most upright man. He was well versed in their own affairs and exercised his duty for the benefit of Egypt, not himself.''

2979. For he thought that this man had executed the office of a guardian in Egypt while he was High Pontiff and when he had been already twice consul in Rome. However Epiphanes died before that happened. The reason for the error is this. He had seen some coins containing both the titles of Lepidus' position and his office as a guardian in Egypt. For to this day, there are still some silver coins to be found with this inscription. On the one side it says, "Alexandrea". On the other it has, "S. C. M. Lepidus Pont. Max. Tutor Reg." On the image side is a picture of a man putting a crown on a young man's head who is standing on his right with a sceptre in his hand.

[Soldier4Christ]

2980. When the Athenians saw their territory wasted by Philippus, they sent and asked aid from all parts, from the Romans, from the Rhodians, from Attalus and from Ptolemy. (Livy l. 31.)

2981. Thereupon the ambassadors of the Romans and Rhodians met with Attalus in Athens. By common consent they agreed to help them. For this the Athenians presently decreed excessive honours, first to Attalus and then to the Rhodians. They went so far as to call one of their own tribes after his name and added it to their ten that they had before. (Livy l. 30. Polyb. Legat. 3. p. 786, 787.)

2982. While the Romans were busy preparing for war against Philippus, ambassadors from Ptolemy or rather from his guardians arrived in Rome. They were informed that the Athenians had needed help from the king against Philippus. Although they were confederates both of the kings and the Romans yet Ptolemy would not send any military support without the consent and authority of the people of Rome. They said that if the Romans would help the Athenians, Egypt would keep out of it. If the Romans did not want to get involved, he could easily supply the Athenians enough forces to overcome Philippus. The senate decreed that the king should be thanked for his kindness and to tell him that the Romans planned to defend and maintain their own friends and confederates themselves. If they needed anything for the war, they would tell him. They knew very well that the king's military forces were very great and were needed for the defence of his own state. The senate ordered presents to be sent to the king's ambassadors. Each received 5000 pieces of brass money. (Livy l. 30.)

2983. In the year 54 for so it is in the Greek manuscript at Lambeth, (not 52, as in the common edition of the second period of Calippus,) 547. of Nabonassar, the 16th day of the month Mesor, the 22nd of our September, 7 hours after noon, the sun was eclipsed at Alexandria. (Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3804 AM, 4514 JP, 200 BC

2984. Toward the later end of autumn, Consul P. Sulpitius Galba, crossed over with an army into Macedonia against Philippus. He was met by ambassadors from Athens who desired that he would raise the seige. Thereupon he sent C. Claudius Cento with a certain number of ships full of soldiers to relieve Athens. Philippus himself did not besiege it but was engaged with the siege of Abydus. (Livy l. 31.)

2985. The men of Abydus recalled their oath and fought so hard that when the night should have ended the fight between them, Philippus was amazed at their courage or rather at their rage in fighting. He was forced to withdraw and to sound a retreat. Glaucides and Theognetus conferred with some of the elders of the town. These had the hardest part to play in this tragedy. They saw that after the fight, there were but few of their men left and these were wearied with wounds and blood which they had lost. As soon as it was day, they sent their priests, in their robes to surrender the town to Philippus. When the town people knew of this, they immediately were so desperate with rage that each man ran to kill his wife and children. They then killed each other. The king was amazed at their fury and ordered his soldiers to stay away. He said that he would give the Abydenians 3 days to die. In that time they did more barbarous acts of cruelty on themselves than they would have expected from an enraged enemy. None was taken alive by the enemy that was not in prison and who was free to kill himself. The king seized their wealth which they had brought all into one place to destroy it. He left a garrison in the place and departed. (Livy l. 31. Polyb. l. 16. p. 738. 739.)

2986. When he came to Bargyllii, he was very troubled to see the Romans, Rhodians and Attalus allied to make war against him. When his army was almost famished, Zeuxis the governor of Lydia and the cities of Mylassa, Alabanda and Milesia sent him some small provisions to relieve them. Against his nature, he flattered any that brought him supplies. When they stopped, he plotted against them. Philocles advised a plan to take Mylassa. When it failed through his own folly, Philippus went and wasted the territory of the Alabandi. These were his good benefactors but he treated them like public enemies. The only reason he gave was that his soldiers needed food. (Polyb. l. 16, in Excerpt. Vales. p. 86, 89.)

2987. In the 55th year of the second period of Calippus, in the 548th year of Nabonassar, on the 9th of the month Machir about midnight, in the beginning of March 20th, there was a total eclipse of the moon at Alexandria. (Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.)

2988. The next summer the Romans, with the help of Attalus and the Rhodians made war on Philippus and his associates in Macedonia. (Livy l. 31.)

2989. Scopas, the head man of all Etolia, was sent from Alexandria by Ptolemy, with a great quantity of money. He hired 6000 foot soldiers in addition to cavalry and shipped them away to Egypt. He would have left no one who could serve in the military if he had his way. However, Damocritus reminded them of the war which they were ready to engage in and of the weakness of the country if they all went. For this reason a large number of the men that were going changed their minds and stayed home. It is uncertain whether he did this out of a true zeal for his country or if Scopas did not bribe him as he did with others. (Livy l. 31.)

2990. About this time Josephus, the son of Tobias, died. The people of Jerusalem were thrown into an uproar by the quarrel of his sons. The older brothers tried to make war on their youngest brother Hyrcanus, of whom I spoke before. Many of the Jews favoured the older brothers including, Simon the high priest because of his family ties. (Josephus l. 12. c. 5.)

2991. In the 55th year of the second period of Calippus, in the 548th year of Nabonassar, on the 5th of the month Mesor, at three o'clock after midnight, on September the 12th there was a total eclipse of the moon at Alexandria. (Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.)

2992. Before the autumnal equinox, Oreum surrendered to Attalus. He was present at the feast of Eueusis in Athens. When he had sent home Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians, he returned into Asia. (Livy l. 31.)

 

3805 AM, 4515 JP, 199 BC

2993. After Simon the 2nd died, his son Onius the 3rd succeeded him in the high priesthood of the Jews. (Josephus l. 12. c. 4, 5.) He was a good man. He was gracious, well respected, meek and very cautious in his speech. From his youth he behaved in a very virtuous manner. /APC 2Ma 15:12 In the Fasti Siculi (for here Scaliger's Greek Eusebian Fragments fail us,) he is said to have been high priest for 24 years.

3806a AM, 4515 JP, 199 BC

2994. Ptol. Epiphanes sent a large army under the command of Scopas into Coelosyria. By force, he recovered many cities for Ptolemy including Jerusalem. (Josephus Antiquit. l. 12, c. 3.) Polybius adds: (l. 16.)

``Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's army, marched into the upper regions and subdued the country of the Jews in the winter season:''

2995. Jerome on Da 11 says this:

``When Antiocus held Judea, Scopas the Etolian was sent as general of Ptolemy's forces. He fought valiantly against Antiochus and captured Judea and returned into Egypt.''

2996. Meanwhile Antiochus invaded Attalus' kingdom which at that time was undefended because its forces were employed for the Romans in the Macedonian war. (Livy l. 32.)

3806b AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC

2997. When the senate of Rome had entertained complaints made by Attalus, they sent their ambassadors to Antiochus. They told him that the Romans at that time made use of Attalus' military forces against the Macedonians, a common enemy to both of them. The Romans would be pleased if he did not meddle with the kingdom of Attalus. It was befitting that the kings that were in league and friendship with the people of Rome should also live in peace among themselves. When Antiochus heard this, he withdrew and ceased from any further war against Attalus. Attalus sent his ambassadors to the senate of Rome to thank them for this great favour they did for him. He gave them a crown of gold of 246 pounds for the capitol. (Livy l. 32.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3806c AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC

2998. At this time, two fleets from Asia, the one under Attalus the king, consisting of 24 ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece and the other from Rhodes of 20 fighting ships commanded by Agesimbrotus joined the Roman fleet. They pursued Philippus as fast as they could. (Livy l. 32.)

3806d AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC

2999. That summer, Antiochus took in all the cities of Coelosyria which Ptolemy controlled. (Livy l. 33.) When Antiochus defeated Scopas in a battle, he recovered all the cities of Syria and grew friendly and favourable to the Jewish nation. (Chron. Euseb.)

3000. Antiochus met Scopas at the head of the river Jordan, where the city Paneas was later built and defeated him. When he had recovered the cities which Scopas had taken from him along with Samaria, the Jews voluntarily submitted to him. They received his whole army with his elephants into their city and supported and helped them, in the siege of the citadel where Scopas had put a garrison. Josephus (Antiqu. l. 12. c. 3.) confirms this from a letter which Antiochus wrote to Ptolemy, the captain of the garrison. He states from Polybius (l. 16.) that after the defeat of Scopas, Antiochus took in Batanea, Samaria, Abila and Gadara. The Jews who lived at Jerusalem where the famous temple was, surrendered to him. Antiochus took and destroyed Gaza which withstood him and sided with Ptolemy. All this is written also in the same book of Polybius. See Vales. Excerpt. (p. 77. & 86.)

3001. Zeno Rhodius, in his Local History, mentioned by Laertius (l. 7.) has described in detail this battle between Antiochus and Scopas at Panias near the source of the Jordan River. This with other excerpts of his from Polybius, the most learned Henry Valesius has given us. (p. 77, 78, 81.) Antiochus routed Scopas and pursued him to Sidon. He besieged him with 10,000 troops. Ptolemy sent to rescue him, 3 famous captains, Eropus, Menocles and Damozenus. They were unable to raise the siege. Finally Scopas surrendered from hunger and he and his troops were allowed to leave the place, stark naked. (Jerome on Da 11)

3807a AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC

3002. By that victory at Panias, Antiochus recovered all Phoenicia, Coelosyria and the other cities of the country. Although Syria belonged rightfully to the kings of Egypt, (Justin. l. 31. c. 1.) he left them to be held after this by the kings of Syria. (Polyb. Legat. 72. p. 893.) Antiochus returned to winter in Antioch. (Livy l. 33.)

3003. In the 551st year of Nabonassar and the 3 years proceeding, the 17th day of the month Athyr, which is unmoveable, to the 21st, as Plutarch in his book, De Iside & Osyride, tells us, the Egyptians celebrated the feast of Isis. This was on December 28th as we have shown in the 7th chapter of our book, "De Macedonum & Asianorum, anno Solari." Eudoxus placed the winter solstice at this time. When Dositheus notes this in his Octaeris, (which, Censorinus tells us was attributed to Eudoxus) or in his Parapegma annexed to it which he published at Coloniae near Athens, (or rather at Coloni in Eolia). Hence it came to pass that the Greeks were of the opinion mentioned by Geminus (c. 6. of his astronomical work), that the feast of Isis was always kept on the winter solstice. This was the shortest day of the year. He there also shows this error was formerly noted in Eratosthenes, in his commentary De Octtaeride.

3004. In this winter season, Philippus came to talk with the Roman consul, Ti. Quinctius Flaminius. He wanted to know the conditions of peace. Among the conditions that Flaminius mentioned was that Philippus should restore to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, all the cities which he had taken since the death of Ptolemy Philopator, his father. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 43, Livy l. 32.)

3807b AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC

3005. In the same year there was an earthquake between the two islands of Theramene (or Thera) and Therasia, in the middle of the sea between them. This created a new island with hot springs. The same day in Asia an earthquake shook Rhodes and many other cities and destroyed many houses there. Some cities were completely swallowed up whole. Thereupon their priests and soothsayers predicted that the rising Roman Empire would swallow up and devour the kingdoms both of Macedonia and Asia. (Justin, l. 30. c. 4.)

3807c AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC

3006. In the beginning of spring, Flaminius sent for Attalus to come to him to Elatia. He went with him to Thebes to try to persuade the Boeotians to join the league with the Romans. Attalus made a speech to them and spoke with more force than his voice could endure. He was now grown old and he suddenly became speechless and fell down. He was sick in Thebes and one side of his body was paralysed. Quintius saw that he was in no danger of dying but needed time to recover from the weakness of his body. He left him there and returned to Elatia from where he came. (Livy in the beginning of 33rd book, printed at Rome, from the manuscript of Bamberg and at Paris 1616 AD with Plutarch in the life of Quinc. Flamin.)

3007. At the same time, Antiochus sent his two sons, Ardues and Mithridates, ahead of him by land and wanted them to wait for him at Sardis. He set sail with 100 fighting ships and other smaller vessels and planned to try to do what he could with the cities of Caria and Cilicia which were controlled by Ptolemy. He hoped to assist Philippus by sea and land. He first took over Zephyrium, Soli and Aphrodisias. He rounded the cape of Anemurium, a foreland of Cilicia. Selinus and other towns, cities and citadels all along that coast surrendered without resistance to him either from fear or to court his favour. At last he came to Coracesium, which much to his surprise, shut their gates to him. (Livy, l. 33.)

3008. While Antiochus besieged Coracesium, Rhodes sent him ambassadors to him. They told him that if he did not stay on the other side of Nephelis, a cape of Cilicia, they would oppose him. This was not for any grudge they had against him but to keep him from joining with Philippus and that he might not interfere with the Romans who had now undertaken to procure and maintain the liberty of Greece. When he heard this, he controlled his anger. He told them only that he would send his ambassadors to Rhodes to deal with this matter. They had instructions to renew the leagues formerly made between them and him and his forefathers. They were to tell them not to fear his coming to them for he would do no harm to them or any of their friends. He would not infringe on his friendship with the Romans. His reply satisfied them. (Livy l. 33.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3009. The Rhodians laid claim to Peraea, opposite Rhodes on the continent of Asia. It had been always in the possession of their ancestors but was now invaded and occupied by Philippus. At this time Pausistratus, the Rhodian general had routed Dinocrates and the Macedonians. Had he followed up on the victory and marched straight to Stratonicea, it was his for the asking. However, they returned to their camp and this gave Dinocrates with the rest of his army time to get into the city. The Rhodians were unable to take it. This story is described in more detail by Livy. (l. 33.)

3010. Attalus was carried sick from Thebes to his city Pergamus by sea and died there. (Livy l. 33. Polyb. p. 820. Plut. in Quin. Flamin.) He lived 72 years and was king for 44 years. (Livy l. 33. Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 102. and in Suidas, in the word Attalus:) Strabo says he reigned only for 43 years. (l. 13. p. 624.) He was survived by his wife Apollonius of the city of Cyzicum and 4 children, Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaetes and Athenaeus. (Livy l. 33.) Eumenes, who was the oldest, succeeded him in the kingdom. (Strabo, l. 13. p. 624. & Plut. in his book of brotherly love) Plutarch states that the two younger brothers though both brave and lusty spirits, yet lived in deep respect of Eumenes. They were like guards about him for the preservation of his crown and dignity. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 169. and Suidas, in the word Attalus.) Thereupon it was that their mother would often say that she was a happy woman not because of her wealth or that she was a queen but because she saw her 2 younger sons to be excellent guards of the oldest son. The two sons always had their swords with them, yet Eumenes lived in the midst of them without the least dread or fear of them. (Plut. in his book of brotherly love) The filial duty and respect which they all bore to Apollonis or Apollonias, his mother is described in more detail in Polybius (in Excerpt. Vales. p. 113, 114.) and in Suidas. (in the word Apollonias.)

3807d AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC

3011. Philippus' army of foot soldiers and cavalry were defeated in the battle fought at Cynoscephalas, in the country of Thessalia as mentioned in /APC 1Ma 8:5,6 Flaminius offered him a truce because he understood that Antiochus was marching from Syria with an army to come into Europe. Thereupon he made a truce with him for 4 months that in that time Flaminius might send to Rome and submit all to the will and pleasure of the senate. (Polyb. in Legat. 6. p. 792. Livy, l. 33. editio. Roman. & Paris.)

3012. When the Rhodians heard of the defeat of Philippus, they still defended the cities that were allied with Ptolemy and were in danger of being invaded by Antiochus. To some they sent help and to others a letter telling them they would defend them from the aggression of Antiochus. Letters were sent to the Caunians, Myndians, Halicarnassions, and Samians. (Livy l. 33.) However this was not sufficient. Antiochus, in spite of them, surprised Coracesium, Coricos, Andriace, Limyra, Patara, and Xanthus which belonged to Ptolemy. Lastly, he took the city of Ephesus. (Jerome on Daniel, c. 11.)

3808a AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC

3013. Antiochus spent his winter at Ephesus and tried to subdue all of Asia into the empire his forefathers once had. He knew that the rest of Lampsacus in Hellespont planned to fight. He advised them to surrender like the rest. He threatened them in case they would not, fearing lest the rest would follow their example in opposing his plans. When this did not work, he sent some companies from Ephesus to besiege Smyrna and others from Abydus to besiege Lampsacus. (Livy l. 33.) Thereupon both cities as well as others that joined with them, sent their commissioners to Flaminius to ask for help against Antiochus. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 87.)

3014. When Cl. Marcellus assumed his office of consul, ambassadors arrived at Rome to ask for a league to be made with Philippus. Thereupon the senate passed this decree:

``Everywhere the Greeks in both Europe and Asia should be free and live after their own laws. Those that were under Philippus' dominion or had any garrisons of his in them, should before the celebration of the next Isthimian games, turn them over into the hands of the Romans. Those that were in Asia, as Euronius, Pedasa, Burgylia, Iassus, Abydus, Thasus, Myrrina and Perinthus, Philippus should withdraw his garrisons and leave them free. He should not renew his war with the new king, Eumenes, (for Valerius Antias observes, that special notice was taken of him) who was the son of Attalus. Concerning the enfranchising of the Cyani, Ti. Quin. Flaminius should write letters to Prusias that the will and pleasure of the senate was, &c.''

3015. To ensure the execution of this decree, the senate sent 10 commissioners into Greece. (Polyb. Legat. 7. p. 793. & Legat. 9. p. 792. Livy, l. 33.)

3808b AM, 4518 JP, 196 BC

3016. After the Isthmian games were over, the general liberty of Greece was proclaimed by the public crier. Ti. Flaminius and the ten commissioners who came from Rome, listened to Hegesianactes and Lysias who were ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius. They were told to tell Antiochus that he must not meddle with any free city in Asia, much less make war upon them. He must get out of such places as he now controlled which were formerly belonged either to Ptolemy or Philippus. He was ordered not to personally enter Europe and not to send any of his forces there. They added that they would soon journey to Antiochus. (Polyb. Legat. 9. p. 798. 799. Livy l. 33.)

3017. When the assembly was dismissed, the 10 commissioners divided the work they had to do among them. Every man went to see his assigned region to be liberated according to the decree. P. Lentulus went by sea to Bargylia in Asia and freed that city to live according to their own laws. L. Stentinius did the same at Hephaestia, Thalus and the cities of Thracia and wherever he went. P. Villius and Lu. Terentius journeyed to Antiochus and Cn. Cornelius went to king Philippus. (Polyb. Legat. 9. p. 977. Livy l. 33. Plut. in Flamin.)

3808c AM, 4518 JP, 196 BC

3018. At the beginning of spring, Antiochus went by sea from Ephesus and came to Hellespont. He crossed with his land army from Abydus and joined them with his naval forces. He landed in Chersonese. He took over any cities that surrendered to him from fear. From there he went to Lysimachia, which was utterly destroyed a short time earlier by the Thracians. He began to rebuild it and to make it the capital of his son Seleucus' kingdom in those regions. (Livy l. 33. Appian. in Syria. p. 86, 87.)

3019. Everything was going as well as Antiochus could imagine. However, L. Cornelius, who was sent by the senate of Rome to make peace between Antiochus and Ptolemy, came to Selymbria. P. Lentulus from Bargylia, L. Terentius and P. Villius from Thasus were three of the commissioners who went to Lysimachia. P. Cornelius came from Selymbria and met them there at Lysimachia. A few days later Antiochus came there from Thracia and met them. Hegesianax and Lysias, who had previously been sent as ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius, happened to be there at the same time. In the conference, P. Cornelius said that he thought it reasonable that Antiochus should restore to Ptolemy all the cities and places of Ptolemy's kingdom that he had recently taken from him. Further, he should withdraw his garrisons from all the places which belonged to Philippus because the Romans had now defeated him. They warned him not to meddle with any free state. Antiochus replied that he wondered first, by what right the Romans quarrelled with him about the cities in Asia any more then he questioned them what they did in Italy. He was content that the cities in Asia should enjoy their liberty but should thank him and not the Romans for it. Concerning Ptolemy, they were good friends already and that he was about to make an alliance with him. (Polyb. p. 800. 769, 770. Livy l. 3. Appian. in Syriac. p. 87, 88.)

3020. P. Cornelius continued and told him that it was reasonable that the ambassadors of Lampsacus and Smyrna should be called and allowed to speak for themselves. They were summoned. Parmenion and Pythodorus represented the city of Lampsacus and Coeramus spoke for Smyrna. They spoke boldly and freely for their own cause. Antiochus stormed to see that he was being called to account for what he had done in Asia to the Romans as if they were his judges. He ordered Parmenion to hold his peace and said that he moved that the controversy be decided before the Rhodian judges and not the Romans. So that conference broke up and nothing was done. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 770.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3021. Polycrates, who was governor of Cyprus, was in charge of collecting the the king's revenue. He handed the government over to his successor, Ptolemy of Megalopolis and returned to Alexandria. He turned over to the king Epiphanes, a great sum of money. Epiphanes was glad to receive this and Polycrates was thought highly of by all. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 773.)

3022. Shortly after this, the Etolians revolted under their captain Scopas who had a large company of soldiers under him. Since the king was but a child, he could do what he liked. While he dawdled his time away, his plans were cut short. When Aristomenes knew that his friends went to him in his own house and used to sit in council together, he sent a company of the guards and summoned him before the king's council. Scopas was surprised and grew so wild and void of reason that he did not carry out his plans neither did he obey the summons of the king as he should have done. Aristomenes knew what state he was in and sent a company of soldiers and surrounded the house. Ptolemy the son of Eumenes brought him before the king. (Polyb. l. 17. 771.)

3023. He was brought before the council. First the king charged him and then Polycrates and Aristomenes did. He was quickly found guilty and condemned by the king's council and by all the ambassadors of foreign nations who were there. For Aristomenes intended to accuse him and had purposely brought there various illustrious personages of the Greeks and the Etolian ambassadors. They were at that time sent there to work out a peace between the king and them. Dorymachus, the son of Nicostratus was one of the ambassadors. After these all spoke, Scopas with his cohorts were all cast in prison. The next night Aristomenes had him and all his family poisoned. He had Dicaearchus who was a most impious wretch, racked to death. Dicaearchus was the admiral of Philippus' navy and harassed the Cycladian Isles. He erected two altars in a certain port there, the one to Impiety and the other to Iniquity. He sacrificed to them both as to two gods. The rest of the Etolians who wanted to return, the king gave them permission to do so and take what belonged to them with them. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 772.)

3024. When this business of the Etolians was settled and all was quiet, then the whole court started their solemn revels which they used to have when anyone is made king. This event is called Anaclateria. The king was not then old enough to run the government. However, the court thought, that if it known abroad that the king was come now to rule in his own person, things would go better and be more peaceful in the kingdom. Therefore they made all provisions they could do to perform this solemnity for the honour of the kingdom. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 773.)

3025. While the conference at Lysimachia was going on between Antiochus and the commissioners from Rome, it was reported by an unconfirmed source what had happened to Scopas at Alexandria and that Ptolemy was dead. Hence that conference came to naught for neither party would act until they knew exactly what happened. L. Cornelius, whose proper errand was to make peace with both the kings, desired some time to talk directly with Ptolemy. He wanted to get there as soon as possible before anything could be resolved there after the king's supposed death to help establish the state. Antiochus made no doubt of his intentions. If the king were indeed dead, Egypt would be his. Therefore, he sent away the commissioners and left his son, Seleucus with his army to continue rebuilding Lysimachia. He with his whole fleet sailed to Ephesus and from there sent ambassadors to Flaminius to desire him to continue the league and friendship between them. He sailed again and stayed close to coast of Asia until he came to Lycia. At Patara he was told for certain that Ptolemy was living and thereupon he abandoned his journey for Egypt. (Livy l. 33. Appian. in Syria. p. 88.)

3809a AM, 4518 JP, 196 BC

3026. Antiochus hurried toward Cyprus which he certainly hoped to get. When he had rounded the cape of the Chelidonian foreland, his sailors mutinied and he was forced to stay for a while in Pamphylia at the mouth of the Eurymedon River. From there he sailed to a place called the head of the Saris River. A severe storm almost drowned him and all his fleet. Many of his ships were driven on shore and many sank in the sea with all hands. A number of sailors, common soldiers and his nobles and leaders died in that storm. He salvaged what he could from the wreck. Since he was in no position to go on to Cyprus, he sailed to Seleucia in Syria and there started to rebuild his navy. He married his two children, Antiochus and Laodice to each other. He set to sea again for Antioch because winter was approaching. (Livy l. 33. Appian. in Syria. p. 88.)

3809b AM, 4519 JP, 195 BC

3027. The Decemviri or 10 commissioners returned to Rome and told the senate about Antiochus and his return into Syria. (Livy l. 33.) Hannibal's enemies at Carthage, informed the senate of Rome that he and Antiochus daily sent letters to each other. Although this was false, those who fear these men believed the false report. Thereupon they sent ambassadors to the council at Carthage and complained to them that Hannibal was working with Antiochus and told them to get rid of Hannibal by any means. (Livy l. 33. Justin, l. 31. c. 1, 2.)

3028. Flaminius' reply to Antiochus' ambassadors when they asked for a league was that he could do nothing now that the 10 commissioners were gone. The ambassadors would do well to go after them and make their address to the senate at Rome. (Livy l. 34.)

3029. Thereupon Hannibal stole away from Carthage and came safely to Tyre. He was there received by the founders of Carthage as in a second country of his own. After he rested there for a few days, he sailed to Antioch. When he found that Antiochus had left, he there spoke with his son who was celebrating a solemn festival in Daphne. When he had been courteously entertained by him, he sailed again and followed Antiochus overtaking him at Ephesus. Antiochus was trying to decide if he should make war on the Romans or not. He was completely taken by surprise when Hannibal came to him. From now on he thought not as much of the war itself as of what great things he should get by conquering the Romans. (Livy in the end of his 33rd book, Justin, l. 31. c. 1, 2. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib.)

3030. Phormio, a philosopher of the Peripatetic text, had disputed a long time in his school concerning the duty and office of a commander of an army and of the military art and the ordering of a battle. Hannibal could contain himself no longer and cried out that he had heard many a doting fool in his days but a bigger fool than this Phormio was, he had never heard. (Cicer. de Oratore, lib. 2.)

3809c AM, 4519 JP, 195 BC

3031. T. Quinctius Flaminius joined with Eumenes and the Rhodians and fought very successfully against Nabis the tyrant of Lacedemon. (Liv. l. 34.)

3032. When M. Porcius (Cato) was consul, the city of Smyrna began and built a temple to the city of Rome. (Tacit. Annal. l. 4.) By their example, the Alabandenses, not only built another temple to her but instituted some anniversary plays and games in honour of her as a proper goddess. (Livy. l. 34.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3810 AM, 4520 JP, 194 BC

3033. Eratosthenes of Cyrene, the son of Aglaus, died. He was not only a grammarian, though that were his chief profession, but also a poet, a philosopher and a geometrician, for he excelled in all these areas. (Lucia. in Macrobiss) Apollonius Alexandrinus succeeded him in managing the library at Alexandria. He was a scholar of Callimachus who wrote the Argonautica. Since he lived many years at Rhodes, he was surnamed Rhodius. (Swidas in Apollonius.)

3034. Antiochus knew of the loyalty of the Jews for him. He conferred great favours on them again and by his letters he highly commended them. (Eusib. Chron.) His letters are preserved in Josephus. (l. 14. Antiq. c. 3.) In an address to Ptolemy's government, he mentioned many gifts of his and immunities granted both to the city and also the temple at Jerusalem. In another letter to Zeuxis, he ordered 2000 families of the Jews, who lived in the provinces of Babylonia and Mesopotamia, to be settled in of Phrygia and Lydia. He hoped their presence would keep order there.

3811 AM, 4521 JP, 193 BC

3035. Antiochus prepared to make a war in Greece and to begin his war against the Romans there. He told Hannibal what he purposed who told him that the Romans could only be conquered in Italy. Hannibal asked for 100 of his warships with 16,000 cavalry. With that fleet he first would sail into Africa so that he knew he could instigate a fresh rebellion among the Carthaginians. If that failed, he would land in some part of Italy and there begin the war anew against them. When he had persuaded the king to let him do this, he did not personally go to Africa (as Emil. Probus, in the life of Hannibal thinks) but sent Aristo, a Tyrian born at Ephesus under the guise of a merchant to trade at Carthage. He was to prepare their minds for a revolt against the Romans. Hannibal's enemies laid hold of Aristo at Carthage. They spent many days in consultation trying to determine what to do with him and if they should send him to Rome to justify their innocence in this matter. However, Aristo escaped and sailed back to Hannibal again. Thereupon they sent ambassadors to the consuls and senate at Rome to tell them what had happened. (Livy l. 34. Justin, l. 31. c. 3, 4. Appian. in Syriac. p. 89, 90.)

3036. Meanwhile Antiochus sent Lysias, Hegesianactes and Menippus as his ambassadors to Rome to determine the feelings of the senate. They went under the pretence of trying to arrange a league and friendship between him and them. They told the senate that the king wondered why they should bid him to get out of the cities of Eloia and Ionia, to forego his tributes due to him from other places and not to meddle with matters in Asia and countries of his ancient inheritance in Thracia. These were not commands to be given to friends of theirs as he was, but to conquered enemies. They were told that they should go and ask Flaminius and the 10 commissioners who were formerly sent into Greece. When they came, the commissioners pressed that Antiochus should either stay out of Europe or allow the Romans to take care of what they had already in Asia and acquire more there if they could. The ambassadors told them plainly that they could neither negotiate a deal by which the king's rights and dominions might in any way be impaired. So that matter was left unsettled and the ambassadors were sent away. (Livy l. 34. Appian. in Syriac. p. 89.)

3037. Scarcely had the ambassadors left, when news came from Carthage that Antiochus was busy preparing for war against the Romans and that Hannibal was his general. They were afraid lest a fresh war would start from Carthage. (Livy l. 34.)

3812a AM, 4521 JP, 193 BC

3038. Antiochus gave his daughter in marriage to Ptolemy at Raphia, in Phoenicia or rather in Palestina and returned to Antioch. (Livy l. 35.) He was now fully resolved to make war against the Romans and thought it best to league himself by marriages and alliances with as many kings and princes in the area as he could. Therefore he sent his daughter, Cleopatra, surnamed Syra, to Egypt to marry Ptolemy. He gave him a dowrie with her of all Coelosyria which he had formerly taken from him. He did this to pacify Ptolemy and to keep him from joining with the Romans in this war. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 88.) Jerome on Da 11 says, that Antiochus, planned to get Egypt for his dominion and espoused his daughter Cleopatra, in the 7th year of the young Ptolemy's reign according to Eucles of Rhodes. However Jerome follows Eusebius' Chronicle which said it was the 13th year. According to our calculations it was in the 12th year that he sent her to him. Ptolemy received a dowry of all Coelosyria and Judaea. Antiochus did not get Egypt. Ptolemy and his council perceived his plans and were more cautious in their affairs. Cleopatra took her husband's side rather than her father's. Josephus, (Antiq. l. 12. c. 3.) writes that Antiochus gave his daughter Cleopatra to wife to Ptolemy along with her dowry of Coelosyria, all Phoenicia, Judaea and Samaria. The tribute was equally divided between them from these places. The head men in each of these countries gathered the tribute for them and paid it to them.

3039. He offered Antiochis, another daughter, in marriage to Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia. He sent his 3rd daughter to Eumenes, the king of Pergamus. When Eumenes saw that he planned to make war against the Romans and that this was the reason for the marriage, he refused the offer. When his two brothers, Attalus and Philetaetus wondered why he should refuse such an offer made to him by so great a neighbouring king as Antiochus, Eumenes told them how great a war was now at hand. He said that if the Romans win as he truly thought they would, he would be able to hold his own by them. If Antiochus won then his fortune would be either to be turned out of his kingdom by a powerful neighbouring prince or be forced to live under him. Concerning this, see Eumenes, his own Oration. (in Polyb. Legat. 25. & Livy l. 37.)

3812b AM, 4522 JP, 192 BC

3040. Antiochus crossed the Taurus Mountains and marched through Cilicia. At the very end of winter, he came to Ephesus. (Livy l. 35.)

3041. From there at the beginning of spring, he sent back his son Antiochus into Syria. He was to take care of matters there and in the remote parts of his eastern dominions while he was busy in the west. Antiochus with all his army went to invade the Pisidians who lived around Selga. (Livy. l. 35.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3042. At that time, ambassadors from Rome arrived at Elaea to see Antiochus. They came under the pretence of an embassy, but were there to see first hand what preparations he had made. They spoke often with Hannibal to try to cool Hannibal's anger toward them. If that failed they hoped to make Antiochus jealous of Hannibal because he spoke frequently with the Romans. The names of the ambassadors were, P. Sulpitius and P., Villius, who among others had met with Antiochus at Lysimachia. (Livy l. 34, 35. Justin, l. 31. c. 4. Fronti. Stratag. l. 1. c. 8. Appia. in Syriac. p. 90, 91.)

3043. The ambassadors went up from Elaea to Pergamus where Eumenes' palace was. Their instructions were first to confer with Eumenes before they went to Antiochus. Eumenes did the best he could to have them make war on Antiochus. Sulpitius remained sick at Pergamus but when P. Villius heard that Antiochus warred against Pisidia, he went to Ephesus. During those few days he stayed there, he made it a point to speak to Hannibal as often as he could. He wanted to know his intentions and to mitigate his anger toward the Romans by assuring him that they intended him no further harm. (Livy l. 35.)

3044. Claudius Quadrigarius who followed the account of the Greek History of Acilius, states that P. Scipio Africanus was in this embassy and that he was the one that spoke with Hannibal at Ephesus. He mentions one talk of theirs in particular. Africanus asked Hannibal whom he thought to have been the greatest general in the world? Hannibal replied that Alexander the Great was. When asked whom he thought was second?, he answered Pyrrhus. When asked who was then third?, he replied, myself. At that, Scipio burst out laughing and said what would you have done if you had defeated me? Hannibal replied that he would have counted himself before both Pyrrhus and Alexander and all others that ever were. His perplexing and intricate answer was but a trick of Punic wit. Scipio was taken in by it as with a pretty kind of flattery. He was not counted better than all the generals yet he had vanquished a better man than Alexander. (Livy l. 35. with Plutarch in T. C. Flaminino, and Appian. in Syriac. p. 91, 92.)

3812c AM, 4522 JP, 192 BC

3045. Villius went from Ephesus to Apamea and there Antiochus heard of the coming of the Roman ambassadors to meet them. They discussed almost the same points which were discussed between Flaminius and the other commissioners on one side and his ambassadors on the other at Rome. When news came of the death of his son Antiochus, who was recently sent into Syria, the conference was suspended. Villius did not want to be there at this sad time and went to Pergamus, when the king and court were all in mourning. The king stopped all preparations for the war and went to Ephesus. (Livy l. 35.)

3046. The Roman ambassadors were told to come to Ephesus. They met in conference with Minio, a principal counsellor and favourite of the king. In his discourse Minio blamed the Romans that under a pretence of setting Greece at liberty, they intended to make war against Antiochus. The Romans held so many famous countries in their subjection and made them pay tribute to Rome. These formerly lived free and according to their own laws. Sulpitius replied for the Romans for he was now recovered from sickness. He called the ambassadors of the other states present there as witnesses for the Romans as they had been instructed to do by Eumenes. Then the conference degenerated into a brawl. (Livy l. 35.)

3047. When Antiochus had heard the embassy of the Rhodians, he told them that if he and the Romans came to an agreement and a league, all they, as well as those of Byzatium, Cyzicum and other Greeks living in Asia would be free. The Eolians and Ionians would still be under the control of the kings of Asia. Therefore the Roman ambassadors returned to Rome when they could get nowhere with the king. For indeed that was the least part of the errand since they came primarily to spy on him. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 92.)

3813a AM, 4522 JP, 192 BC

3048. After this, the Etolian ambassadors came to the king. They offered to make him commander of all the forces which they raised and persuaded him by all means to go over to Greece. They said it was ready to receive him. He should not stay until his armies came down to him from the remote and inner parts of Asia. This made Antiochus all the more eager to go into Greece as soon as possible. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 92, 93. with Polyb. l. 3. p. 159. & Justin, l. 30. c. 4 & l. 32. c. 1.)

3049. Before he sailed, he went up to Ilium and sacrificed to Minerva. He returned to his fleet and sailed with 40 fighting ships, 60 barges and 200 cargo ships. These were loaded with all kinds of provisions and sailed in the rear of the fleet. His whole army consisted of 10,000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry with 6 elephants. This was barely enough to take over Greece if no one was there to fight with him. How inadequate were these forces to stand up against the Roman military might. (Livy l. 35.)

3050. Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome to let them know that Antiochus had crossed over the Hellespont with his army. The Etolians were ready to rise up in arms as soon as he landed. The senate thanked Attalus and his absent brother, Eumenes. Attalus was housed at the public expense and given presents. (Livy. l. 35.)

3813b AM, 4523 JP, 191 BC

3051. About the middle of winter, Antiochus consulted with Demetrias how to carry on the war. Hannibal gave sound advice if it had been followed. It was not except that Polyxenidas was sent to bring the rest of the fleet and army from Asia. (Livy l. 36. Justin, l. 31. c. 5, 6. Appian. p. 93, 94.)

3052. Antiochus fell in love with a young maiden of Chaleis, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, his host. Even though Antiochus was almost 50, he set aside the matters of the war and thought only of marrying her. He called her by the name of Eubaea and spent all the next winter in banqueting and revels. Likewise his army spent all that season in luxury and pleasure. (Polyb. l. 20. in Athenaus, l. 10. c. 12. Diodor. Sic. & Dio. in Excerpt, Vales. p. 296. and 609. Liv. l. 36. Appian. p. 96, 98.)

3053. M. Acilius Glabrio, the consul, left Rome in a rich coat of armour to go against Antiochus. This was on the 5th day before the Nones that is May 3rd. We deduce this year by an eclipse that happened the following January. (Livy l. 36.)

3054. About the same time, ambassadors came to Rome from two kings, Philippus of Macedonia and Ptolemy of Egypt. Both offered their help against Antiochus with money and grain. Ptolemy brought in ready money, 1000 pounds in gold and 20,000 pounds in silver. Nothing was taken and the senate thanked them for their good will. When both of them offered to come in person with their armies into Etolia, the senate answered that they would not trouble Ptolemy. The senate and people of Rome would be happy if Philippus would assist M. Acilius, their consul, in whatever he needed. (Livy l. 36.)

3813c AM, 4523 JP, 191 BC

3055. Antiochus was defeated at Thermopylae in a battle against M. Acilius the consul and Cato a general in that army. (This battle is described by Livy, l. 36. by Plut. in Cato, Major, by Appia. in Syriac. & Fron. l. 2. Stratag.) He was forced to flee back to Asia and came to Ephesus with his new wife. (Livy, Justin, Appian, and Polyb. in Athenaus l. 10. c. 12.) In Tully's book "De Senect. Cato", Cato speaking of himself, said that he fought at Thermopylae under M. Acilius Glabrio in the 4th year after he had been consul. Plutarch in his life and Livy (l. 36.) affirm this that he was sent by the consul Acilius to Rome with the news of that victory. Antisthenes the historian reports to have followed this account and been written by Buplagus the Syrian. That Publius a Roman captain after this battle at Thermopylae, is gathered from Phlegon of Tralles, in his book De Mirabilibus. (c. 3.)

3056. When Antiochus was at Ephesus, he became careless and not afraid of the Romans. He thought that they would never cross over into Asia. When Hannibal had roused him from those idle thoughts, he sent for his forces from the inland countries to come down quickly to the seaside. He prepared his navy and made Polyxenidas, an exile of Rhodes his admiral. He crossed over again into Chersonesus and fortified it. He put garrisons into Sestus and Abydus where he thought the Romans would try to cross over into Asia. (Livy. l. 36. & Appia. p. 99.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3814a AM, 4523 JP, 191 BC

3057. C. Livius Salinator was sent to succeed Attalus in the navy. On his way to Asia, Eumenes routed Polyxenidas, Antiochus' admiral. He sank 10 of his ships and captured 30 more losing only one ship and that one was from Carthage! They pursued Polyxenidas as far as Ephesus. Then they sent back the Rhodian fleet of 25 ships which arrived after the battle. Eumenes with his ships, came to Canas, a town of Lycia. Because the winter was coming, they drew their ships to land and fortified the place where they stayed with works for their defence. (Livy l. 63. Appian. p. 99, 100.)

3058. When this naval battle was fought at Coricus, Antiochus was gone to Magnesia near the mountain of Sipylus to gather his land forces together. When he heard of his naval defeat, he began to prepare a new navy so that he might not appear to be vanquished from the sea. He sent Hannibal into Syria to get ships from the Phoenicians. He ordered Polyxenidas to repair his ships that were damaged in the battle and to build new ones to make up his fleet again. Meanwhile, he made his winter quarters in Phrygia. He sent for help from all parts, even from Gallograecia. (Livy l. 36, 37 Appian. p. 100.) Using fear and his money, he convinced them also to join in arms with him. He thought their height and courage would terrify the Romans. (Appian. p. 89.)

3059. Ambassadors arrived at Rome from Ptolemy and Cleopatra to congratulate them for driving Antiochus out of Europe. He persuaded them to cross into Asia even as far as Syria. He showed that they were ready to do, whatever the Romans would request. The senate sent thanks to the king and queen for their good will and gave each of the ambassadors, 4000 pieces of brass money. (Livy. l. 37.)

3060. Antiochus left his son Seleucus with the army in Eolia, to hold the sea coast there in order. The Romans on the one side and Eumenes on the other were meddling with them everywhere. Seleucus spent all that winter partly in helping his friends and partly in plundering those whom he could not draw over to his side. (Livy l. 37.)

3814b AM, 4524 JP, 190 BC

3061. About the middle of winter, Eumenes with a company of 2000 foot soldiers and 100 cavalry came to Canas where the Roman fleet wintered. There he told them that if they wanted to, they could get much spoil from the country around Thyatira. He did not leave until he had persuaded Livius the admiral, to let him have 5000 men. He went with these and in a short time brought them back again loaded with an enormous amount of booty. (Livy l. 37.)

3062. In the interim, a rebellion happened in Phocaea. There were some who tried to draw the common people to Antiochus. The wintering of the Roman navy there had taxed them very heavily. They were required to furnish them with 500 sea clothes and coats. Grain became scarce so that the ships and garrison were forced to move from there and quarter elsewhere. The faction who sided with Antiochus were no longer afraid after this. However, the elders and chief men of the city stood firmly for the Romans. The leaders of the faction for Antiochus prevailed with the common people. (Livy l. 37.)

3063. Therefore, the magistrates of Phocaea, feared the opinion of the common people. They wisely sent their agents to Seleucus to ask him not to come near their city because they were resolved to do nothing until they saw the outcome of the war. When Seleucus was told that the common people were wholly for his father and that they were short of grain, he did not reply. He immediately marched toward them with his army. (Polyb. Legat. 18.)

3064. At Rome, both the new consuls, Lu. Scipio and Ca. Laelius Nepos, were ambitious to go into Greece. P. Scipio, on the behalf of his brother Lusius said that if they wished to send his brother there, he would go with him as his lieutenant. His words carried the day. They said who was more befitting to fight against Hannibal, as Scipio Africanus who had already vanquished him? (Cic. Philip. 11. Livy l. 37. Valer. Max. l. 5. c. 5. Justin l. 31. c. 7.)

3065. In those days, when Lu. Scipio was on his way against Antiochus and while the anniversary games in honour of Apollo were being celebrated, on the 5th of the Ides or the 9th of June, an eclipse occurred. On a very clear day it grew suddenly dark by an eclipse of the sun. (Livy l. 37.) This eclipse of the sun at Rome is confirmed by the astronomical account. To which if 95. Idus Quintiles, that is the 9th of our July corresponds then it follows that the 1st of January of the next year started on the 29th day of our August. So great was the confusion of the Roman calendar in those days.

3814c AM, 4524 JP, 190 BC

3066. About the beginning of spring, Pausistratus with 36 Rhodian ships, Livius with 30 Roman ships and Eumenes with 7 of his, sailed to the Hellespont. Livius first sailed into the port which was called, Portus Achaorum. From there they went up to Ilium and sacrificed to Minerva. They made a good impression and speech to the ambassadors of some the neighbouring cities, Eleus, Dardanus and Rhetteus. These all came and voluntarily surrendered themselves to him. He left 10 ships to blockade Abydus and went with the rest to the other side to besiege Sestos. After they surrendered, he prepared to return to the Asian side to besiege Abydus. (Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 101.)

3067. While these things happened in the Hellespont, Polyxenidas, the admiral of king Antiochus, told Pausistatus, the admiral of Rhodes, that he would betray the entire of Antiochus' fleet or most of it into his hands. He believed him and went to Samos. He did not keep a proper watch as he should have done. He was killed and lost the 29 ships which he had under his command. There escaped of all his fleet, 5 ships of Rhodes and 2 of the Isle of Cos. (Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 101.)

3068. At the same time Seleucus recovered Phocaea after a gate of the city opened to him. He and his army got in that way. While these things were happening in Eolia, Abydus had endured the siege for a number of days and by the valour of the king's garrison continued to hold out. Finally all grew weary of the business and the chief magistrates of the city with the good consent of the captain of the garrison sent to Livius to ask for conditions of surrender. At that very time, Livius heard of the destruction of the Rhodian navy. Livius would no longer stay to take in Abydus and to keep Hellespont. He with all his fleet set sail for Phocaea. When he found it held by a strong garrison of the king and that Seleucus was not far off with his army, he started wasting the sea coast. He took what spoil he could find in the area. He stayed only until Eumenes could overtake him with his fleet. Then he planned to go to Samos. He finally arrived badly weather beaten. He joined his fleet with the Rhodians which consisted now of 20 ships under the command of Eudamus. (Livy l. 37.)

3069. After Livius had added the Rhodian ships to his fleet, he sailed immediately to Ephesus. He arranged his ships in order of battle before the very mouth of the port. When none came out against him, he divided his fleet into two parts. One part anchored in the very haven of the enemy and the other landed their men. They had ranged there far and near and gotten exceedingly much spoil. As they were returning with it to their ship, Andronicus a Macedonian, (Appian. calls him Nicander) captain of the garrison in Ephesus, sallied out against them and forced them to their ships. They abandoned most of their booty and returned immediately to Samos. L. Emilius Regillus the Praetor met them there. He was to succeed Livius in the charge of the navy. As Regillus was coming there from the Isle of Chios, Livius sent to meet him, 2 good ships of Rhodes of 4 tiers of oars a piece along with Eumenes himself in person with 2 more ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece. (Livy l. 37. & Appian. p. 102.)