THE ANNALS THE WORLD

[Soldier4Christ]

3255. A false rumour of Antiochus' death was circulated. Jason took with him no less than 1000 men and made a surprise attack on the city of Jerusalem. Menelaus fled into the citadel, but Jason slaughtered his own citizens and was not ashamed of this. However, he could not take over the government but fled away in shame. He returned back into the country of the Ammonites. He was accused before Aretus, the king of the Arabians and dared not show his face there. He was forced to flee from one city to another and was hated by all men because he forsook their laws. He was made a public enemy of his own country. /APC 2Ma 5:5-8

3256. Antiochus heard in Egypt that the rumour of his death made the people of Jerusalem very glad. He suspected by the rebellion of Jason that Judea would revolt and was very angry. (/APC 2Ma 5:11 Josephus in Libello de Maccabais) After that he had subdued Egypt in the 143rd year of the Greeks or Seleucus, he went up against Israel and Jerusalem with a great multitude. /APC 1Ma 1:20,21

3257. Josephus (Antiq. l. 12. c. 7) writes that in the 143rd year of the Seleucians, he took the city without a battle. The men of his own faction opened the gates to him. However, in /APC 2Ma 7 the city is said to have been taken by force of arms. Josephus in his first book and first chapter of the wars of the Jews, says that he took the city by force and adds that he was enraged with the memory of those things which he had endured in the siege. Moreover, while Antiochus besieged the city, the men of Jerusalem made an attack against him and were slain in the conflict, as Josephus affirms, in the sixth book of the same works. (p. 929.)

3258. When the city was captured, the soldiers were ordered to kill anyone they met. Cruelly, they slew all sorts regardless of age or sex. In three days, 80,000 men were missing, 40,000 of whom were killed and the rest sold into slavery. /APC 2Ma 5:11-14

3259. Antiochus was not content with this and he went into the temple. Menelaus who betrayed their laws and country was his guide. He wickedly seized the holy vessels, and whatever else was dedicated by other kings to the glory and honour of the place. /APC 2Ma 5:15,16 He took the golden altar, the candlesticks of light with all its vessels, the table of the shewbread, the pouring vessels, the vials, the censers of gold and the vail. He removed the crowns and the golden ornaments that were fastened to the temple doors. He pulled off the gold from everything that was covered with gold. He stole all the silver, lovely vessels and all the hidden treasures which he found. /APC 1Ma 1:23,24

3260. Polybius Megapolitanus, Strabo Cappadox, Nicolaus Damascenus, Timagenes Castor Chronographus and Apollodorus, wrote that Antiochus was short of money and broke his league. He assaulted the Jews, his confederates and friends and plundered the temple that was full of gold and silver and spared nothing of value. (Josephus contr. Apion. l. 2.) His huge tribute to the Romans, forced him to gather money by pillaging and not to miss any opportunity of plundering. (Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. l. 2.) Those who were the enemies of the Jews affirm that many other things were done by him because he hated the Jews and had contempt for their religion. In the 34th book of Diodorus' Bibliotheca and from there in Photii. Bibliotheca (cod. 244.) this is stated:

``When Antiochus Epiphanes had overcome the Jews, he entered into the holy Oracle of God where the priests only might lawfully go. He found there a stone statue of a man with a long beard, holding a book in his hand and sitting on an ass. He thought him to be Moses who built Jerusalem, founded the nation and established those laws that are hated in all nations. He desired to remove this reproach to the nations and endeavoured to abrogate the laws. Therefore he sacrificed a great sow to the statue of the founder, Moses. He poured blood on the altar of God, that stood in the open air and on the statue. He seethed the flesh and commanded the holy books that contained their laws to be marred and obliterated with the broth. He commanded the eternal flame which always burned in the temple to be put out. He compelled Menelaus the high priest and other Jews to eat swine's flesh.''

3261. However, in the light of these actions we disagree with the testimony of Strabo the Cappadocian, in the 16th book of his Geography, where he commends the Jews, as just and religious persons. (dikaiopzanp cg zxosebxid pd dlhqpj ontxr p. 761.)

3262. When Antiochus captured the city, he sacrificed swine on the altar and with the broth of its flesh he sprinkled the temple. (Josephus Antiq. l. 13. c. 16.)

3263. Antiochus carried 1800 talents from the temple and quickly returned to Antioch. He appointed governors to vex the country, at Jerusalem, Philip, by birth a Phrygian, by manner a barbarian, at Gerizim in Samaria, Andronicus. In addition to these he left Menelaus who was worse than all the rest to rule the citizens with a heavy hand and had a most malicious attitude against the Jews. /APC 2Ma 5:21-23.

3264. The ambassadors of Asia were heard in the senate at Rome. The Milesians remembered that they had done nothing and promised that they were ready to do whatever the senate should command them to help the war against Perseus. The Alabandenses remembered that they had erected the temple of the city of Rome and instituted anniversary games to the goddess. They brought a golden crown weighing 50 pounds as a gift to Jupiter which they might place in the capitol. They also gave 300 shields for horsemen which they would deliver to whom they would command them. The Lampsaceni brought an 80 pound crown and requested:

``How that they defected from Perseus when the Roman army came into Macedonia. They were under the jurisdiction of Perseus and before of Philip. In respect to this and for turning all things over to the Roman commanders, they requested only that they might be received into the friendship of the Roman people. If a peace should be made with Perseus, they wished to be no longer under Perseus' authority.''

3265. There was a civil answer returned to the rest of the delegates. Quintus Moenius the praetor, was commanded to enrol the Lampsaceni after the manner of associates. Rewards were given to them all, amounting to more than 2000 pieces of coin to each of them. The Alabandenses were commanded to carry back the shields to A. Hostilius the consul in Macedonia. (Livy l. 43.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3835a AM, 4544 JP, 170 BC

3266. It was decided by the common consent of the Achaeans that all the honours of Eumenes which were unseemly and repugnant to the laws should be taken away. Sosigenes and Diopithes from Rhodes were there about private legal matters. They were offended by Eumenes and destroyed all his honours in the city of Peloponnesus. (Polyb. Legat. 74.)

3835 AM, 4545 JP, 169 BC

3267. While A. Hostilius the proconsul with his forces wintered in Thessalie, Attalus who wintered at that time at Elatia, was informed that his brother, Eumenes took it most grievously that by a public decree they had taken away his most splendid honours. After telling the matter to Archon, the praetor of the Achaei, he sent ambassadors to the common council of the country. He was to negotiate with them concerning restoring the honours to the king again. Thereupon by the persuasion of Polybius (the historian) a decree was made that the magistrates were commanded to renew all things that pertained unto the honour of Eumenes. Those honours that did not well agree with the common interest of the Achaeans or were repugnant to the laws were not to be restored. Therefore Attalus at that time rectified those miscarriages which were rashly committed at Peloponnesus concerning his brother Eumenes' honour. (Polyb. Legat. 74. & in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 130, 133.)

3268. At the beginning of the spring, Q. Marcius Philippus, the consul, was sent against Perseus. (Livy l. 44. init.)

3269. A decree was published by the Achaeans, concerning the sending of auxiliaries to Marcius the consul, which was brought to him by Polybius. Theoeritus an ambassador was sent from them to Attalus. He was to bring to him that decree whereby the honours of Eumenes were restored to him. At the same time, the Achaeans heard that the Anacleteria had been celebrated in honour of Ptolemy the king, as is the custom for the kings of Egypt when they come to the legal age. As a token of their joy in this, they sent ambassadors for the renewing of that friendship which was between the Achaeans and the kings of Egypt. Alcithus and Persidas were chosen to do this. (Polyb. Legat. 78.)

3270. About that time there was a wicked act and most abhorrent to the institutions of the Greeks done in the island of Crete. Between the Cydoniates and Apolloniates there was a common bond of friendship and a league of peace. When the tables of that league were ratified on each side by oath there were fastened to the image of Jupiter Idaeus for all to see. In spite of this, Cydoniates in the time of peace when they were treated by the Apolloniates as friends, broke the league. They surprised their city, killed all the men with the sword, spoiled their goods. They divided among themselves their wives, children and all their land. (Polyb. & Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. in Valesib, edit. p. 133. & 310.)

3271. The Cydoniates were afraid of the Gortynians. Previously their city was almost taken by a surprise attack by Nothocrates. They sent ambassadors to Eumenes asking for help based on their league with him. The king chose Leon as captain, whom he sent speedily there with a band of 300 soldiers. When those forces came, the Cydoniates delivered the keys of the gates to Leon and put the whole city under his control. (Polyb. Legat. 79.)

3272. When by the urging of Eulaius the eunuch, Ptolemy started a new war to recover Coelosyria. Antiochus made his third expedition into Egypt and subdued it. (Polyb. Legat. 80-82.) When the Egyptians fled, Antiochus could have killed them all with his cavalry. Antiochus restrained his troops and ordered that they should be taken alive. For this kindness, he gained both Peleusium and a little later all of Egypt. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 320.)

3273. While the opposing factions at Rhodes daily increased, after they had heard that at Rome it was decreed by the senate that from now on those things were to be done according to the dictates of the senate and not their own magistrates. Philophron and Theaetetus persuaded them to send ambassadors to Rome. At the beginning of the summer, Hegesilochus, son of Hegesias and Nicagoras son of Nicander, were sent as ambassadors to Rome. Agesipolis, Ariston and Pancrates were sent to the consul, Q. Marcius Philippus and to C. Marcius Figulus the admiral of the fleet. All these were commanded to renew the friendship with the Roman people and to answer the accusations of some against Rhodes. Hegesilochus was moreover ordered to request permission to send grain. Agesipolis overtook Q. Marcius who was camped at Heraclea in Macedonia. When he had delivered his commands, the consul said he gave no credit to those who slandered the Rhodians and asked the ambassadors not to put up with anyone that did those things. He treated them very kindly and wrote concerning this to the Roman people. Agesipolis was overwhelmed with the courtesy of the consul. Marcius took him into a private meeting. He said he admired that the Rhodians did not try to reconcile the kings that fought for Coelosyria for it was not in their place to do so. Later Agesipolis went unto Caius, the admiral of the fleet and was more favourably entertained by him than he was by Marcius. He returned to Rhodes a short time later. He related what had happened and how well he was treated by both of the Roman commanders. All the Rhodians were encouraged and taken with a vain hope but not in the same way. Most of the older ones were very pleased for the friendship of the Romans. The younger ones were troubled by these actions. They thought that this excessive kindness of the Romans was a sign that they were terrified with the imminent danger and matters were not unfolding as they should. Later Agesipolis sided against them and was secretly taking orders from Marcius to make a proposition in the senate of the Rhodians of making a peace treaty agreement between the kings. Dinon made no question but the affairs of the Romans were in a most dreadful mess. Therefore ambassadors were sent to Alexandria to conclude the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy. (Polyb. Legat. 80.)

3274. Towards the end of the summer, Hegesilochus and other ambassadors from Rhodes came to Rome and were very graciously entertained. It was well known the Rhodians were divided with civil disputes. Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon and Theaetetus, placed all their hopes in the Romans. On the contrary, Dinon and Polyaratus trusted in Perseus and the Macedonians. It frequently happened that when the matters were debated equally well on either side and with different conclusions, the senate ignored the internal differences at Rhodes although they were well aware of them. They granted a licence to them to export 100,000 bushels of wheat from Sicily. (Polyb. Legat. 64, 73. & 80.)

3275. After Egypt was subdued by Antiochus, Comanus and Cineas discussed with king Ptolemy what they should do. It was decided that a council be composed of the chief captains who would be in charge of settling the matters. The council decided that any Greeks who should be found there, should go as ambassadors to Antiochus to negotiate with him concerning a peace. (Polyb. Legat. 81.)

3276. At that time two ambassadors arrived from the country of the Achaei. Alcithus, son to Xenophon of Aege, was to renew the friendship with the king. Pasiadas was sent about the matter of the war between Ptolemy and Antiochus. The Athenians sent ambassadors headed by Demaratus concerning a certain donation. Moreover these men brought up two religious matters. The first concerned the feast of Minerva, called Panathenaea, was mentioned by Callias the Pancratiast, or conqueror at the games. The other concerned the mysteries which was handled by Cleostratus. In the discussion he made a speech to the king. Miletum was represented by Eudemus and Icesius, from Clazomenae, Apollonides, and Apollonius. (Polyb. Legat. 81.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3277. Together with these, Ptolemy the king sent his own ambassadors, Tlepolemus, and Ptolemy the teacher of rhetoric. They sailed and came to Antiochus who received them courteously and invited them on the first day to a sumptuous feast. The next day he gave them the liberty of a personal conference and commanded them to declare their purpose. The ambassadors of the Achaeans spoke first with him. After this Demaratus spoke who was sent by the Athenians. He was followed by Eudemus of Miletum. All affirmed that the war was started through the instigation of Eulaius the eunuch. After they said how young Ptolemy was, they all deplored the war between the kings. Antiochus agreed with the their speeches and more fully explained himself and defended his rights. He endeavoured with great earnestness to prove that Coelosyria belonged to the kings of Syria. He denied what the ambassadors from Alexandria alleged, that Coelosyria was given for a dowry with Cleopatra, mother of Philometor who now reigned. After much discussion, he proved his point to all that were present. For that time he sailed to Naucratis. There he spoke kindly and treated the citizens well. He gave to each Greek who remained there, pieces of gold, valued at 16 shillings 8 pence to each man. (Valued in 1650 AD. Editor) He journeyed to Alexandria and promised to reply to the ambassadors after Aristides and Theris had returned. He desired that the Greeks should know and witness his actions. (Polyb. Legat. 82.)

3278. Philometor was taught by Eulaius the eunuch, in pleasure and effeminate ways. He became so slothful that since he was so far removed from all danger and separated from the enemy by a great distance, he surrendered his large and wealthy kingdom without fighting for it. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesil. p. 310. 313.)

3279. Antiochus took the crown from Philometor after he had reigned 11 years. The Alexandrians committed management of affairs to Euergetes, his younger brother. (Porpohyr. in Grec. Eusebeian. Scalig. p. 54 & 225.) They later nicknamed him Cacergetes or the malefactor. (Athena. l. 4. c. 24. & l. 12. c. 27.) Howbeit, from the huge size of his body and the largeness of his paunch, he was nicknamed Physcon or the Gore-belly. This was added after his name and is read on his coins. PTOAEMAIOGFGSKWNOSEGERGETOG

3280. Epiphanius, in his small book of weights and measures, called this Ptolemy, Ptolemy Philologus for his love of knowledge. He was one of Aristarchus' scholars and he wrote historical observations which are frequently cited by Atheneus. (Athena. l. 2. cap. 33.) This second Euergetes wrote the things we took from Atheneus and Galen concerning the first, (See note on 3761 AM. <<2855>) from this since at that time Eumenes, son of Attalus reigned in Asia. Strabo affirms that he furnished Pergamos with libraries. (l. 13. p. 614.) I suppose these things refer to this Ptolemy which are read in Vitruvius' Preface of his seventh book:

``The Attalian kings were inclined to the wonderful delights of learning when they had erected for the common enjoyment of all a famous library at Pergamos. Ptolemy was zealous to do the like at Alexandria.''

3281. In Pliny, (l. 13. c. 11.) we read:

``Through the ambition of the kings, Ptolemy and Eumenes over libraries, Varro wrote that at Pergamos parchments were found because Ptolemy withheld the use of the Egyptian paper.''

3282. Ptolemy Philometor was driven from his kingdom and fled to his younger brother Ptolemy Euergetes at Alexandria. (Justin l. 34. cap. 2.) Since Alexandria was not under the power of Antiochus, they made him co-ruler with his brother in the kingdom. This was in the 12 year of Philometor's reign and the 4th year of Euergetes' reign. (Porphyr. in Grec. Eusebeian.) Although after awhile, they expelled Philometor and banished him. (Polyb. Legat. 84, & 89.)

3283. Antiochus seized on that occasion and undertook the government of the banished prince. He made use of the specious pretence of bringing him home again to justify his Egyptian war. This is what he told the ambassadors he sent into all the cities of Asia and Greece. (Livy l. 44,45.)

3836a AM, 4545 JP, 169 BC

3284. Antiochus, through the pretence of bringing back the older Ptolemy to his kingdom fought a war with his younger brother, who at that time possessed Alexandria. He defeated him at the naval battle at Pelusium. He went over the Nile with his army on a bridge which he quickly built and besieged Alexandria. Thereupon Ptolemy the younger and Cleopatra his sister sent ambassadors to Rome. They were to ask the senate to send assistance to the kingdom and those princes who were friends to the empire. This was the obligation of the people of Rome to Antiochus. So great was their authority with all kings and nations that if they should but send ambassadors to declare that it pleased not the senate that a war was fought between their allies, Antiochus would immediately depart from Alexandria and withdraw his army into Syria. (Livy l. 44.)

3285. When Antiochus was unable to break down the wall of Alexandria he left. (Livy l. 45.) In spite of this, Meleager, Sosiphanus and Heraclides were sent as ambassadors to Rome. They were given 150 talents. 50 was to be spent on a crown to be given to the Romans. The rest was to be divided among certain cities of Greece. (Polyb. Legat. 83.)

3286. About that time, the ambassadors of the Rhodians headed by Prutio arrived at Alexandria to negotiate a peace. Shortly after this they went to the camp to Antiochus. They were allowed to see the king. They had a long discourse about the mutual alliances between both the kings and what advantages would accrue to each if peace were made. However, the king interrupted the ambassador in his speech and said that there was no need of any more discussion. The kingdom belonged to the older Ptolemy and he had long since made a peace with him and was his friend. If the Alexandrians would recall him from banishment, he would be content. (Polyb. Legat. 84.)

3287. Antiochus left the older Ptolemy at Memphis. Antiochus pretended to fight for his kingdom and gave him the rest of Egypt. After that he left a strong garrison at Pelusium and withdrew his army into Syria. He thought it prudent to allow the civil war in Egypt to continue. He could always use it as a pretence to reenter Egypt with his army to help the older brother. (Livy l. 45.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3288. King Eumenes came from Elaea with 20 covered ships into the coasts of the Cassandrenses and met with Marcius Figulus, the praetor and admiral of the Roman fleet. Prusias sent 5 ships there. At the same time, Prusias tried in vain to take the city Cassandrea, Toron and Demetrius. It was reported that Cydas the Cretian and Antimachus, governor of Demetrius negotiated a peace between Eumenes and Perseus. Cydas, who was one of Eumenes' intimate friends, was previously seen talking at Amphipolis with Chimarus, a certain county man of his. At Demetrius he was seen talking with Menecrates, a certain captain of Perseus and again with Antimachus under the very walls of the city. Eumenes left Demetrius and sailed to Q. Marcius the consul and congratulated his arrival into Macedonia. He left for his own kingdom to Pergamos. Marcius Figulus the praetor sent part of the fleet to winter at Sciathum and went with the rest of the ships to Oreum in Boeotia. (Livy l. 44.)

3289. Reports vary concerning Eumenes. Valerius Antias said that the praetor was not helped by a fleet from him. After that he had often sent for him by letters and he did not go with favour from the consul into Asia. He was incensed that he was not allowed to march into the same camp. He could not be persuaded to leave behind any of the cavalry of the Gauls whom he had brought with him. Attalus his brother, remained with the consul and was loyal to him throughout the war. (Livy l. 44.) Velleius Paterculus wrote that king Eumenes was indifferent to that war and lent no assistance to his brother. (Histor. l. 1. c. 9.)

3290. At Rome, the ambassadors of Pamphylius brought into the senate a golden crown made of 20,000 Philipeans. By their request, they were allowed to put the crown in the temple of Jupiter and to sacrifice in the capitol. Their desire of renewing friendship was graciously granted and a gift of 2000 pieces of coin was given to each of them. (Livy l. 44.)

3291. At that time, the ambassadors came from king Prusias to help make a peace with King Perseus. They received an audience with the senate. Prusias said that at that time he stood for the Romans and that he would stand for them during the war. However, when the ambassadors had come to him from Perseus to end the war, he had promised them to intervene on their behalf with the senate. He desired that if they could be persuaded to end their displeasure of him that he might be used by them in making a peace with both parties. (Livy l. 44.)

3292. The embassy from Rhodes was more arrogant concerning the same business. They related the deeds which they had done for the Roman people and how they were mainly responsible for the victory over Antiochus. They added, that when there was peace between the Macedonians and the Romans, then they had an alliance between themselves and King Perseus. They had broken this against their will not through any provocation of his against them but because it pleased the Romans to draw them into the war. In the third year of the war, they were feeling the brunt of it. Because of naval blockades, their island was reduced to poverty for they lost their revenues that came by sea and their food supply was cut off. When they could no longer endure this, they had sent ambassadors into Macedonia to Perseus who told him that the Rhodians would be happy if he would make peace with the Romans. They would sent to the Romans and signify this. Rhodians would consider what ought to be done against those who failed to end the war. Claudius Quadrigarius said that there was no answer given to these persons. There was recited a decree of the senate in which the Roman people announced that the Carians and Lycians were free and that letters should immediately be sent to both countries to inform them of this. When they heard this, the head of the Rhodian delegation, whose magniloquence just a little before the senate house had scarcely been able to contain, fell down astonished. Others said that they replied that the Roman people from the beginning of the war had been told by reputable persons that the Rhodians had secret talks with King Perseus against Rome. If this had been doubtful before, yet the delegates words a little before had made it certain. That fraud for the most part was exposed that was secret in the beginning. What the Rhodians were about to consider they themselves knew. Assuredly the people of Rome, when Perseus was defeated, which they hoped would be soon, would appropriately reward each city for its part in the war. However, a gift of 2000 pieces of coin was sent to each of the ambassadors which they refused. (Livy l. 44. c. 14,15.)

3293. Dion gave this account of the matter. King Perseus requested peace from the Romans and had obtained it. Rhodians, feared least the Romans should have wanted an adversary had joined their ambassadors with the ambassadors of Perseus. The delegates from Rhodes were anything but moderate and most unsuitable for those who were purported to be looking for peace. They had not so much requested a peace for Perseus as given it to him. They proudly spoke of other things and at last threatened that they would attack those who failed to make peace. By this it happened, that although the Romans suspected them of siding with Perseus, they became more odious in the sight of the Romans and hindered Perseus' chances for peace. (Dion Legat. 19. or 20.)

3836 AM, 4546 JP, 168 BC

3294. About the beginning of the consulship of L. Emilius Paulus and C. Licinius, the Alexandrian ambassadors from Ptolemy and princess Cleopatra were called into the Senate. They were dressed in dirt stained white clothing and had long straggling beards and hair. When they had entered into the senate with olive branches, they prostrated themselves and requested the senate that they would help their kingdom and princess that were their allies. (Livy l. 44. c. 19.)

3295. The senate was told by them that Antiochus had seized the rest of Egypt and still remained there and hoped to conquer Alexandria too. The senate was concerned with the power this king, and decreed to send an embassy to help make peace and determine first hand what was happening there. (Polyb. Legat. 90.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3296. Therefore, they immediately sent C. Popillius Laenas, D. Decimius and C. Hostilius as ambassadors to conclude the war between the kings. They were ordered to go first to Antiochus then to Ptolemy. They were to say that if they did not stop this war they would no longer be considered allies of Rome. (Livy l. 44. c. 19)

3297. These men accompanied the ambassadors from Alexandria and left on their journey in three days. Ambassadors from Macedonia arrived on the last day of the Quinquatria, that is, of the feast of Minerva's birthday. They said that Eumenes and his fleet both came and went like an unpredictable storm. The king was not constant in his loyalties. Although they said many things against Eumenes, they declared the extraordinary loyalty of Attalus. (Livy l. 44. c. 19.)

3298. At the time when the ambassadors sent to Egypt left Rome, this is found written in an ancient diary of this year: (which Pighius has inserted into the second Tome of his Annals in the 585th year of the city)

``The third day before the Nones of April, C. Popillius Leans, C. Decimius and C. Hostilius were sent as ambassadors to the kings of Syria and Egypt to discuss the war between them. These ambassadors with a number of their clients and kindred, sacrificed early in the morning in the temple of Castor, to the household gods of P. R. They offered a bull and so ended their sacrifice.''

3299. However, the third day before the nones of April, as the year at Rome then stood, was January 23rd according to the Julian account as we deduce from the eclipse of the moon which happened five months later.

3300. After Antiochus and his army had returned into Syria, Ptolemy Philometor wisely considered the danger he was in and sent ambassadors to Alexandria to his sister, Cleopatra first and then to his brother Euergetes and his friends. He confirmed a peace with them. His sister helped him greatly by her advise and intersession on his behalf. After a peace was made, by the public common consent, he returned from Memphis and was received into Alexandria. He reigned together with his brother and the common people accepted this. In the war, they had no supplies from Egypt during the seige nor after it was lifted. Their condition was brought very low. (Livy l. 45. Polyb. Legat. 89.)

3301. This should have been reason for Antiochus to be glad if he had brought his army into Egypt to restore Ptolemy to the throne. However, he was so offended, that he more eagerly and maliciously prepared for war against them both than he had done against them individually. Thereupon he sent his fleet to Cyprus and defeated the Egyptian ships and the captains of Ptolemy. (Livy l. 45. c. 11. Polyb. Legat. 92.)

3302. Both Ptolemy's brothers shared the throne and were militarily quite weak. They sent ambassadors to Eumenes, Dionysiodorus and to the country the Achaeaus, to request 1000 foot soldiers and 22 cavalry. They wanted Lycortas to be captain of all the auxiliary forces and his son Polybius of the cavalry. They wrote also to Theodoridas the Sicyonian, to hire 1000 mercenary soldiers. (Polyb. Legat. 89. & 91.)

3303. Perseus, king of the Macedonians and Gentius, king of the Sclavonians, were united in league together by giving pledges to each other. They decreed that ambassadors should be sent to Rhodes, hoping that the city which was the major naval power at that time might by the authority of two kings go to war against the Romans. The ambassadors were sent to Thessalonica and ordered to be ready to sail. Metrodorus was there who came recently from Rhodes and affirmed that by the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, principal men of the city, the Rhodians were prepared for war. Among the Coans, Hippocritus, Diomedon brethren and the Romans, Dinon and Polyaratus were bold to speak for the Macedonians and accuse the Romans and publicly advise an alliance with Perseus. Metrodorus was made the leader of this confederate embassy with the Sclavonians. (Polyb. Legat. 85. & in Excerptis, Valesii. p. 137. Livy l. 44.)

3304. When Perseus had sent Teremnastus the Cretian as ambassador to Antiochus, he advised him not to miss the opportunity nor to think that the proud and insolent injunctions of the Romans pertained only to him. Rather he should know that the Romans would shortly treat him the same. This was unless he help Perseus settle the matters between the Romans and the Macedonians. If that could not be, then at least he could help Perseus against the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 85. Livy l. 44.)

3305. At the same time, Perseus sent Cryphontes (for so the Collections of Polybius name him, whom the printed copies of Livy call Eropontes) as ambassador to Eumenes who had been on two embassies to Eumenes. (Livy l. 44.) He hoped that by offering money, he could solicited Eumenes that he should either side with Perseus or reconcile him to the people of Rome or remain neutral. He hoped that he should obtain one of these things or at least by that solicitation procure (which indeed he attained) that Eumenes would become suspect to the Romans. However, Eumenes despised the friendship of Perseus. For making peace, he demanded 1500 talents and to remain neutral to both, 1000 talents. Perseus promised to give the sum required for his help in getting a peace but not before it was done. However, he would deposit it in the temple at Samothracia until the peace was concluded. (Appian. Macedonic. in Excerpt. Valeisi. p. 562.) Since that island was in his own jurisdiction, Eumenes saw that it signified no more than if the money had been at Pella and insisted that he should bring part of the money for the present. This did not happen either. Cryphontes returned home and the negotiations were kept secret. To avoid suspicion, both sides said that the negotiation had been concerning the redemption of captives. Eumenes told the same to the consul. (Livy l. 44.)

3306. The Rhodians disagreed among themselves. The party which favoured Perseus prevailed. It seemed good that ambassadors should be sent to settle the war between Perseus and the Romans. Therefore the chief presidents of their counsels immediately sent Agesipolis and Cleombrotus as ambassadors to Rome. They sent Damon, Nicostratus, Agesilochus, and Telephus to the consul and Perseus. They also sent ambassadors to Crete to renew friendship with all the Cretians. They were to advise them to have an eye to the condition of the times and the imminent danger. They should be friends with the people of Rhodes and they should esteem the same as foe and friend. There were sent also to each city, to entreat with them concerning the same matters. (Polyb. Legat. 86.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3307. The ambassadors of the Ptolemys, the kings came into Peloponnesus while it was still winter. After that in an assembly of the Achaeans celebrated at Corinth, they had renewed their ancient friendship after much discussion. They presented their view of the afflicted condition of the kings and requested aid. The multitude were ready to give their assistance, not with a part of their forces, but if need should require, with all their strength. However, Callicrates, Diophanes and Hyperbatonus opposed this decision. Against these debated Lycottas and Polybius who exhorted the Achaeans to remember their engagements and courtesies but especially of their oath that they should keep the laws of confederacy. When the multitude had again jointly agreed that assistance should be given, Callicrates frustrated that debate by terrifying the magistrates because the laws gave no liberty in such assemblies to commit auxiliary troops. (Polyb. Legat. 89.)

3308. A little later, a council was called in the city of the Sicyonians. In it the magistrates were present and all that were older than 30 years of age. After much discussion, a courier who was brought by Callicrates, immediately after his arrival directly into the theatre. He brought forged letters from Q. Marcius the proconsul in which he was supposed to exhort the Achaeans. They were to comply with the desire of the Romans and endeavour to reconcile the kings. Thereupon ambassadors were sent from the Achaeans, Archon of Aegira, Arcesilaus and Aristo Megapolitanes, to make a peace between the Ptolemys and Antiochus. By this action King Polybius was incensed with indignation and withdrew from the care and administration of affairs. The ambassadors from Alexandria lost all hope of help and returned home. (Polyb. Legat. 89, 91.)

3309. Perseus had his winter quarters at Bila. He drew his forces into Ionia where he might intercept the wheat that was conveyed from there to the Romans. (Appian. ut. sup. p. 565.) Antenor and Callippus were the admirals of the navy. He sent them with 40 small boats and 5 larger vessels called Pristes (because they resembled Pristes) to Tenedos. From there they dispersed by the Cycladas Islands so they might capture the ships that came with wheat into Macedonia. The ships sailed to Cassandrea. After that they came first to the havens which lie beside the Mount Athos and from there they sailed in a calm sea to Tenedos. They sent away the Rhodian's open vessels under Eudemus their captain with out any harm and treated them very civilly. They were later told that 50 cargo ships of their friends were blockaded by the warships of Eumenes under the command of Damius at the very mouth of the haven at Mount Athos. They dispersed their enemies and let them out. They escorted them with 10 small ships into Macedonia. (Livy l. 44.)

3310. Nine days later, those small vessels returned to the fleet lying at Sigaeum. From there they sailed to Subota which is an island lying between Elaea and Athos. However, the following day 35 ships arrived which they call Hippagogi or vessels for the conveyance of horses. Ferry boats came from Elaea with the cavalry of the Gauls and horses sent from Eumenes to Attalus. These were bound for Phanes, a cape of the Chians, from where they might sail over into Macedonia. Antenor set sail from Subota between the cape of Erythrae and that of Chios where the sea is most narrow and suddenly attacked these ships. When there was no hope of resisting, part of them who were near the shore of the continent swam into Erythraea. Part of them hoisted sail and beached their ships on Chios. They left their horses behind them and fled to the city. The small vessels had delivered their armed men to the city. At a more convenient place of landing, the Macedonians defeated the Gauls and killed some as they fled in the way and others were intercepted before the gate and killed. 800 Gauls were killed (700 as Gruter's edition has it) and 200 taken alive. Some of the horses drowned in the sea when the ships sank and some were houghed by the Macedonians on the shore. Antenor commanded the same ten vessels which he had sent before, to convoy 20 of the best horses with the captives to Thessalonica and as soon as possibly to return to the fleet. He would meet them at Phanae. The navy stayed almost three days at the city. From there they went to Phanae and were transported in the 10 vessels which returned before they were expected and they passed through the Aegean sea to Delos. (Livy l. 44.)

3311. While these things were happening, the Roman ambassadors, C. Popillius, C. Decimius and C. Hostilius, came from Chalcis after they had sailed from Delos with 3 ships of 5 tiers of oars. They found 40 ships of the Macedonians and 5 ships from King Eumenes with 5 tiers of oars. The sanctity of the temple and the island, gave security to all persons. Therefore the Romans, the Macedonians and the naval allies of Eumenes all intermingled and talked together in safety. The respect for the temple made this place a safe haven. (Livy l. 44.)

3312. Antenor, Perseus' admiral, received word from the watch-towers that cargo ships were seen at sea. He pursued them with some of his ships and the rest he sent around the Cyclades. He either sank or plundered all the ships except those bound for Macedonia. Popillius and the navy of Eumenes, helped as many as they could. They conveyed them by night in groups of two or three vessels and deceived the Macedonians. (Livy l. 44.)

3313. About that time, Parmenio and Morcus, the ambassadors of Gentius, king of the Sclavonians, along with Metrodorus, the ambassador of Perseus came to Rhodes. Perseus' authority had increased by the sight of the warships which passed up and down by the Cyclades and the Aegean Sea and by the large number of the horsemen which were slain. His prestige was further enhanced by the alliance between Gentius and himself and the rumour that large numbers of the Galatian's cavalry and foot solders were coming to help him. These things encouraged Dinon and Polyaratus, who were for Perseus but depressed Theaetetus who was not for Perseus. Therefore the Rhodians decreed to give a friendly answer unto both the kings and to signify to them that they had resolved to use their authority to put an end to the war. Therefore they admonished them to be agreeable to a peace. Moreover the ambassadors of Gentius were entreated with much civility in their public place of assembly. (Livy l. 44. Polyb. Legat. 87.)

3836c AM, 4546 JP, 168 BC

3314. At the beginning of the spring, Antiochus with his army, marched for Egypt and came into Coelosyria near to Rhinocolura. He met the ambassadors of Ptolemy Philometor who thanked him for restoring him to his kingdom. He asked that Antiochus would maintain his own right and rather say what he wanted done instead of turning from an ally to an enemy by taking military action. Antiochus replied that he would under no other terms revoke his fleet and reduce his army unless Ptolemy would surrender to him all Cyprus, Pelusius and the land that was adjacent to that mouth of the Nile, called Pelusiack. He appointed a day to receive an answer by. (Livy l. 45. c. 11.)

3315. Antiochus sent Apollonius, the overseer for the collection of his tribute (called meridarciw Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 7. or mwsarciw in /APC 2Ma 5:24) with an army of 22,000 into the cities of Judea. This was 2 full years after he had plundered the temple at Jerusalem. They were ordered to kill all the mature young men and sell the women and young ones. /APC 1Ma 1:30 2Ma 5:24

3316. After that Apollonius came to Jerusalem without any sign of hostility. He restrained himself until the sabbath day. Then he killed all that cAme to perform religious duties. He marched with his forces about the city and killed a great number of people. After he had plundered the city, he set it on fire and pulled down the houses and the walls. He led away captive the women and children and seized on the cattle. /APC 1Ma 1:31,34 2Ma 5:25,26 Josephus, (Antiq. l. 12. c. 7) attributes to Antiochus himself the things that were done by his officers. He affirms that:

``After the sacking of the whole city, partly to have killed the inhabitants and partly to have led them away captive together with their children and wives to the number of 10,000.''

[Soldier4Christ]

3317. Judas Maccabeus left with 9 others and spent his life in the mountains foraging like wild beasts. They fed on herbs lest they should be partakers of the pollution /APC 2Ma 5:27 or of the prohibited meats or of the idolatry or of the contamination and the desolation of the sanctuary which now happened. /APC 1Ma 1:39-41 It was 3.5 years before the restitution and purification of the temple was later made by the same Judas Maccabeus. /APC 1Ma 4:43-54 During this time, Josephus implies that the city of Jerusalem was oppressed by Antiochus. (Josephus, in the preface of his books concerning the Jewish war) Josephus states that the service of the daily sacrifice ceased (l. 1. c. 1.) and the sanctuary was desolate in the sixth book of the same work. (p. 929.) He mentions the length of the time of this desolation of the sanctuary as Hippolytus affirms. (Caten. Grac. in Daniel Da 8:11-14)

3318. Later they built in the city of David or Zion, a great wall, secured with strong towers which was to form a citadel for them. A garrison of wicked persons held the place. They deposited the spoils of Jerusalem there. Those Jews who visited the temple often risked their life in so doing. Much innocent blood was shed and the sanctuary defiled. The inhabitants of Jerusalem fled and the city became an habitation of strangers and foreign to her own citizens. /APC 1Ma 1:35-40.

3319. The ambassadors of the Rhodians came to the camp of the Romans with the same instructions concerning peace which at Rome had so highly incensed the senators. They were heard with much more discontent by the counsel of war. However, when some would have had them violently expelled from the camp, the counsel declared that it would give them an answer after 15 days. In the meantime, so that it might appear at what value they placed on the authority of Rhodians to broker for peace, they began to plan how to prosecute the war. (Livy l. 44. c. 35.)

3320. The day before Perseus was defeated, C. Sulpicius Gallus, the tribune of the soldiers of the second legion, assembled the soldiers with the permission of L. Emilius Paulus the consul. He told them that on the next night they should not be alarmed by an eclipse of the moon. It would happen from 2 am until 4 am. This eclipse is a natural event that can be predicted and is not a sign or evil omen. (Livy l. 44. c. 37.) Pliny writes concerning eclipses (l. 2. c. 12.) that Gallus was the first of the Romans who discovered the reason of the sun and moon's eclipses. Concerning him, Cato in Cicero's book, "of old age", says:

``We did behold Scipio Gallus, the intimate acquaintance of your father (Emilius Paulus) even to greatly weary himself almost to death in his endeavours of measuring almost the heavens and the earth. How often did the morning surprise him, when he began to observe anything at night? How oft did the night come on him, when he began to observe in the morning? How was he delighted when he foretold to us the eclipses of the sun and moon, a great while before they happened?''

3321. The night before the day before the Nones of September, when the moon was eclipsed at the appointed hour, seemed to the Roman soldiers to be almost a divine thing. The Macedonians took it as a sad omen portending the fall of their kingdom and the disaster of their nation. (Livy. l. 44. c. 37. cum Justin, l. 33. c. 1. Valer. Maxim. l. 8. c. 11. Jul. Frontin. Straghemat. l. 1. c. 12.) The astronomical account shows that the eclipse of the moon was on the 21st day of June, according to the Julian account in the 8th hour after noon, this year in Macedonia when the soldiers would normally have been sleeping according to Plutarch in his Paulus Emilius. It is added that the Ides of March, in this year, when Paulus entered into his second consulship, happened on January 4th according to the Julian reckoning.

3322. The day following Perseus' defeat /APC 1Ma 8:5 the kingdom of the Macedonians ended. From the time of Caranus it had stood for 626 years. However, while the Roman empire was rising, the remains of the Macedonian empire survived in the Seleucus' of Syria and the Ptolemy's of Egypt.

3323. The 3rd day after the battle, Perseus with about 500 Cretians fled to Amphipolis in Thracia. They were not allowed to enter by the Amphipolitans. Their money of gold and silver was brought to the ships which stayed in Strymon. Perseus came to the river. He gave the Cretians that followed him only for his money, 50 talents from his own treasure. He sent cups and goblets, with other gold and silver vessels and placed them on the bank. He left them to be scrambled for by them while they went on board in a disorderly manner. One ship was overloaded and sank in the very mouth of the river. On that day he came unto Galipsus or Alepsus. On the next day he came the island of Samothrace with 2000 talents. He humbly sought refuge in the temple of Castor and Pollux. (Livy. l. 45. c. cum Plutarcho, in Paulo Emilio.)

3324. When the news of the Roman victory had come into Asia, Antenor, who with a fleet of ships waited at the Phanae, sailed from there to Cassandria. (Livy l. 45. c. 10.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3836d AM, 4546 JP, 168 BC

3325. C. Popillius was anchored at Delos to safeguard ships bound for Macedonia. After he had heard of the victory in Macedonia and the departure of the enemy's ships from that area, he dismissed the Attic ships. He set sail for Egypt to take the embassy there whom he had with him. He wanted to meet with Antiochus before he captured Alexandria. After the ambassadors had crossed Asia, they came into Loryma. This is an haven about 20 miles from Rhodes and directly opposite the city. The leaders of the Rhodians met them and asked them to put in at Rhodes. The rumour of the Roman victory had reached even Rhodes. They said that it concerned the honour and safety of the city, that they should understand all things which had before been done and were then in agitation at Rhodes. They could tell at Rome what was known to themselves not what was learned by rumour. Although the ambassadors at first refused, after a time, the Rhodians forced them to take a short interruption of their voyage for the safety of a confederate city. When they arrived at Rhodes, the same persons by their urgings, had them come into their public assembly. (Livy l. 45. c. 9.)

3326. The arrival of the delegates increased rather than diminished the fear of the citizens. Popillius repeated all things which anyone had spoken or done in a hostile manner during the time of the war. Since he was a man of a sour disposition, he aggravated the grievousness of the things that had been spoken with a stern countenance and incriminating voice. Since there was no basis for his personal displeasure with the city, they concluded by the bitterness of one single Roman senator, how the whole senate felt toward them. The speech of C. Decimius was more mild, who in most of the things alleged by Popillius said that the fault was not of the people but of a few rebellious men who had stirred them up. These men whose tongues were for sale had produced decrees full of flattery of the king and had sent such embassages about which the Rhodians were no less ashamed than repentant for. The people greatly approved of this speech because it laid the blame on a few guilty parties and not on the people in general. Therefore when the leader replied to the Romans, their speech was in no way as popular who endeavoured to mitigate the charges brought by Popillius, as theirs, who agreed with Popillius in singling out for punishment the persons responsible for the crimes. Thereupon those Rhodians, who before were so haughty as if they had conquered Philip, Antiochus and were stronger then Romans, were terrified in the presence of the ambassadors. A decree was quickly passed that whoever should be guilty of favouring Perseus and saying anything against the Romans, should be condemned to death. When the Romans came, some left the city and others committed suicide. The ambassadors did not stay more than 5 days at Rhodes and went to Alexandria. When they left the Rhodians were no less zealous in carrying out this decree. The cause of the action was mainly do to the clemency of Decimius. (Livy l. 45 c. 9. Dione. Legat. 20. or 21.)

3327. After the news of Perseus' flight had been brought to Rome, it seemed good to the senate that the Rhodian ambassadors who came to make up peace with Perseus, should be called before their assembly. The ambassadors, of whom Agesipolis was the leader, entered into the senate. They said that they were sent to make an end of the war which would be grievous and incommodious to all Greece and costly and harmful to the Romans themselves. Now, since it was concluded in a way the Rhodians always desired, they congratulated the Romans on it. When Agesipolis had briefly spoken these words, he left the assembly. The senate, made use of that occasion since they purposed to disgrace the Rhodians publicly and make an example of them. They replied that the Rhodians dispatched that embassy, neither for the benefit of Greece nor for the expenses of the Roman people but on behalf of Perseus. If their care had been as it was claimed, ambassadors would then have been sent denouncing the war when Perseus' army entered into Thessalie and for two years, partly besieged and partly terrified the cities of Greece. At that time there was no mention of peace made by the Rhodians. But after they had heard, that the woods were crossed and that the Romans had passed into Macedonia and that Perseus was hemmed in, the Rhodians sent their embassy. Their purpose was to deliver Perseus from his imminent danger. Therefore the senators judgment was that they ought not to bestow the accustomed rewards, or any benefit, nor a courteous answer to the ambassadors. (Polyb. Legat. 88. Livy l. 45. c. 20.)

3328. Thoas was sent from Rhodes by Dinon to Perseus as courier and had often sailed into Macedonia. With the turn of affairs in Rhodes, he fled for fear into Cnidus. The Cnidians granted him safe custody. After the Rhodians granted him safety, he was returned again to Rhodes. When examined, he confessed to all. He fully consented to all the notes of the letters which had been intercepted and to the letters sent each way from Dinon and Perseus. Thereupon Dinon was convicted and as for an example to others, was executed. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 137, 138.)

3329. Cn. Octavius, managed the Macedonian war with Paulus Aemilius. When Octavius' fleet came to Samothrace, he honoured the sanctity of the temple of Castor and Pollux and left Perseus alone. However, he kept him from the sea and prevented him from escaping. (Plutarch in P. Aemilio.) All the while he endeavoured to have him surrender, sometimes by threatenings and sometimes by hopes. Whether accidental or contrived by plan, this business was assisted by L. Attilius, an illustrious young man. When he saw the people of Samothrace assembled together, he addressed them with the permission of the magistrate. He complained that the supposed sanctity of the island was violated by the presence of Evander the Cretian. It was he who almost murdered Eumenes at Delphos and now together with Perseus sought refuge in the temple. Theondus, who was the chief magistrate among them (whom they called king) saw that the whole island was in the power of the Romans. He demanded from Perseus that Evander surrender for trial. Perseus did not want to do this because he saw that the crime would also involve him. He had Evander murdered and bribed Theondus to tell to the people that Evander had committed suicide. However, by killing his only friend that remained and had been involved with him in so many enterprises, he alienated the affections of all that were with him. When everyone for his own safety defected to the Romans, he was forced to think how to escape. (Livy l. 45. c. 5,6.)

3330. Therefore Perseus secretly arranged an escape with Oroandes the Cretian, to whom the coast of Thrace was well known because he had used to trade in that country. He boarded a ship which was anchored at the cape of Demetrias, so that he should convey him to Cotys, the king of the Thracians. About the time of sunset there was as much money brought to the ship as could be secretly transported. When it was on board, Oroandes sailed as soon as it was dark for Crete. Later about midnight the wretched Perseus let himself down , his children and his wife. They were not accustomed to travel and wandered from a straight window by a wall. When the ship was not found in the harbour he walked awhile on the shore. Finally fearing the approach of dawn, he hid in a dark corner in the side of the temple. (Livy l. 45. c. 6. & Plutarch, ut supra.)

3331. After that, by the command of Octavius the praetor, it was proclaimed by the crier that if the royal children of the princes that were chosen to wait on the king and other Macedonians who were of Samothrace, would come over to the Romans, they would be safe. They would have their freedom and all that they had with them or left behind in Macedonia would be theirs. They all came over and gave their names to C. Posthumius the tribune of the soldiers. Ion, the Thessalonian, surrendered the young children of the king, who had been committed to his trust to Octavius. No children were left with the king except Philip the oldest. Thereupon Perseus surrendered himself and his son to Octavius. He blamed fortune and the gods in whose temple he was in, because they did not help him. He was ordered to be put aboard on the flagship and what money that remained was brought there. The fleet sailed back to Amphipolis immediately. (Livy l. 45. c. 6.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3332. Antiochus came to take over Pelusium. When he had crossed over the Leusines River, which is 4 miles from Alexandria, he met the Roman ambassadors. When they approached he greeted them and put out his right hand to Popillius. He gave to Antiochus the tables which he held in his hands that contained that decree of the senate. It said he was to immediately end the war against Ptolemy. He urged him that before he did anything else, he should read it. When he had read the tables, he said that he would consult with his friends as what he ought to do. Popillius with a vine twig which he had in his hand, drew a circle around the king and demanded his answer before he left the circle. The king was astonished with that unusual and imperious action. After he had thought a while, he said:

``I will do what the Romans command.''

3333. Thereupon Popillius put out his right hand to the king as to a confederate and friend. Antiochus was quite chaffed in his mind but withdrew his forces from Egypt into Syria on the appointed day. (For instead of agrian, in Polybius we suppose surian ought to be substituted from Livy) He esteemed it expedient to gave place to the times for the present. (Polyb. Legat. 92, & Livy l. 45. c. 16. cum Ciceron, in Philippica 81. Velleio Paterculo l. 1. c. 10. Valeri. Maximo. l. 6. c. 4. Justin. l. 34. c. 3. Appiano in Syriac. p. 131. Plutarch in Apophthegmat. c. 32, &c.)

3334. When the Samaritans saw the Jews most miserably oppressed by Antiochus, they claimed to be descendants of the Sidonians. By this they obtained letters from Antiochus to Apollonius, the king's governor and Nicanor the king's steward that they should not be subject to the same oppression as the Jews were. Since the temple at Gerizim was not yet honoured with the title of any god, it should from this time on be called by the name dids emhnin, or of the Greek Jupiter. This is discussed by Josephus in (Antiq. l. 12. c. 7.) The letter and the reply from Antiochus is given. It is dated in the 46th year (but I know not from what epoch the account is determined from) the 18th day of the month Hecatombaeon.

3335. After Antiochus had left Egypt, the Roman ambassadors by their authority confirmed the union between the two brethren who were scarcely yet well agreed. (Livy l. 45.) C. Popillius requested as a favour from the king, the bequest of Menalcidus, the Lacedemonian, who benefitted from the distress of the kings for his personal gain. He commanded them to send Polyaratus, who had been the chief supporter of Perseus at Rhodes and Rome. Menalcidus was dismissed by Ptolemy but he hesitated to send Polyaratus to Rome. He had great respect for Polyaratus and Rhodes. Therefore, he sent him to Rhodes and delivered him into the custody of one of his friends, Demetrius. He sent him to Rhodes with letters for the Rhodians concerning his journey. However, Polyaratus arrived at Phaselides. He took with him herbs for the strewing of the altar and priestly ornaments. He fled to the common tutelary god of the city. (Polyb. Legat. 92, & 95. & in Excerptis Valesii. p. 138.)

3336. When Popillius had settled affairs at Alexandria, he sailed to Cyprus and from there sent the fleet and army of Antiochus to Syria. They had recently captured the place from the Egyptians. (Polyb. Legate. 92. Livy l. 45.)

3337. The kings of Egypt were delivered from the war against Antiochus. One of the first things they did was to send Numenins, one of their friends, as an ambassador to Rome to thank them for the favours which they had received from them. (Polyb. Legat. 95.)

3338. When the Phasellites had sent to Rhodes to take Polyaratus from them, the Rhodians did indeed send a ship. However they forbad Epichares the captain of the ship to let him aboard the vessel because the Alexandrians were ordered to set the man ashore at Rhodes. Therefore, the ship came to Phasellites. When Epichares refused to allow Polyaratus onto his vessel and on the other side Demetrius into whose custody he was entrusted by the king, ordered the man to get on. The inhabitants of Phasellites urged him to go lest they might become obnoxious to the Romans. Polyaratus was grieved and went aboard with Demetrius on the ship again. However, at the first opportunity at his landing, he quickly fled directly to Caunus. He complained of his state of affairs and begged their assistance. They refused because they were tributaries to the Rhodians. He secretly sent to the Cibyrates, requesting admission into their city. He asked for someone to come and escort him safely there. He was known to the Cibyrates, because the children of Pancrates the tyrant were educated with him. The Cibyrates consented and Polyaratus was brought to Cibyra. (Polyb. Legat. in. Excerpt. Valesi. p. 138, 141.)

3339. Popillius and the embassy returned from Antiochus to Rome. They reported of the differences they had settled between the kings and that Antiochus' army had left Egypt for Syria. Later the ambassadors of the kings themselves came. The delegates of Antiochus declared that the peace which was approved by the senate, seemed more suitable to the king than any victory. Also he obeyed the commands of the Roman ambassadors as if they had been direct commands from the gods. After this, they congratulated them on the conquest of Perseus. Had they asked the king for anything, he would have gladly given it. The delegates of Ptolemy, in the name of the king and Cleopatra thanked them also. They said that they were more indebted to the senate and the Roman people than to their parents or to the immortal gods. They had been delivered from a most miserable siege and received their paternal kingdom back which they almost lost. The senate replied that Antiochus had acted correctly in obeying the ambassadors and that it was acceptable to the senate, the Roman people and to the princes of Egypt. If any benefit and advantage happened to Ptolemy and Cleopatra because of Rome, the senate was glad for it. They wished that the best way to preserve their kingdom was to maintain the friendship with the Roman people. C. Papinius the praetor was commanded to take care of the gifts that is sent to the ambassadors according to the custom. (Livy l. 45.)

3340. A joint embassy came both from Eumenes, Attalus and from Athenaeus to Rome to congratulate them on the overthrow of Perseus. (Livy l. 45. c. 19.)

3837 AM, 4547 JP, 167 BC

3341. By a public edict, Antiochus ordered all the countries that were subject to him to observe the same way of divine worship and set aside their peculiar customs. They were all to adopt the same religion as the Greeks under the punishment of death of those that refused. He appointed overseers over every country who should compel them to do this. /APC 1Ma 1:43-52,63

3342. Antiochus sent an old man of Athens into Judea and Samaria that he might force the Jews to stop observing the divine law and defile the temple at Jerusalem. He called their temple Jupiter Olympus and the temple at Gerizim, Jupiter Hospitable or the "protector of strangers". He thought this was a more appropriate name for the Samaritans since they were strangers in the Jewish land. /APC 2Ma 6:1-6

3343. The king sent proclamations by ambassadors to Jerusalem and the cities of Judah that they should follow the rites of the Gentiles and take away the sacrifices from the temple. They should not keep the sabbaths and feast days. They should pollute the sanctuary and its priests. They should erect altars, groves and temples to idols. They should sacrifice swine and other unclean beasts. They should allow their children to remain uncircumcised. They were to defile themselves with every impure thing so that they might forget the law and change all the ordinances of their God. /APC 1Ma 1;46-51 It would be a crime to observe the Jewish religion. /APC 2Ma: 6:6

3344. A decree also came to the neighbouring cities of the Greeks on the suggestion of Ptolemy, the son of Donymenes. /APC 2Ma 4:45 They should proceed in like manner against the Jews and compel them to partake of the sacrifices. Those who did not adopt Greek customs were to be executed. /APC 2Ma 6:8,9

[Soldier4Christ]

3345. The other countries followed the words of the king. Many Israelites consented to his religion and sacrificed to idols and profaned the sabbath. /APC 1Ma 1:44 2:18 For many of the people that forsook the law were gathered together to them and they made the Israelites hide themselves in dens and in places of their refuge. /APC 1Ma 1:51-53 Others were brought by bitter constraint on the king's birthday every month to eat of the sacrifices. When the feast of Bacchus was kept, they were compelled to be in a procession to Bacchus carrying ivy. /APC 2Ma 6:7

3346. The temple was filled with riot and revelling by the Gentiles who riotously spent their lives with harlots and in the holy circuit of the temple defiled themselves with women. They brought in things that were not lawful and the altar also was filled with profane things which the law forbids. /APC 2Ma 6:4,5

3347. On the 15th day of the month Casleu (which is part of our November and part of December) in the 145th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, they erected the abomination of desolation, the detestable idol of Jupiter Olympus on the altar. They built altars for idols throughout the cities of Judah and burnt incense at the doors of their houses and in the streets. /APC 1Ma 1:54-56

3348. When they had cut in pieces the books of the law which they found, they burnt them in the fire. By the king's command, they executed anyone they found with a book of the testament or if he approved of the law. /APC 1Ma 1:56,57 By the title of books of the law, we do not mean just the Mosaic Pentateuch. With the later Hebrews, who from hence derive the origin of that Petaroth or ordinary lecture after which the people were dismissed (according to Elias Levita, for his Tirchbl, in the word too.) The whole Scripture of the Old Testament is meant. Joh 10:34 15:25 1Co 14:21 Josephus on the same occasion says: (l. 12 c. 7.)

``Wherever any holy book was found as also the law and they with whom it was discovered, both did miserably perish.''

3349. Severus Sulpicius, (Sacr. Histor. l. 2.) is of the same opinion and writes:

``The holy volumes of the law and the prophets were consumed in our fires.''

3350. On the 25th day of the month Casleu, sacrifices were offered on the idol altar which was erected on the altar of God. /APC 1Ma 1:59 This was 145th year of the Seleucia's reign in olympiad 153. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 7. & 11.)

3351. At the same time, two women who had circumcised their children, were accused. Their children were hanging about their necks. After they had been publicly led through the city, they threw them down headlong from a wall. Their families and those that had circumcised the infants were killed. /APC 1Ma 1:61 2Ma 6:10

3352. The Galatians under Advettas their leader, attacked the kingdom of Eumenes and made quite a disruption. A truce was made for the time of winter. The Gauls went home again and the king withdrew to Pergamos to his winter quarters where he fell sick of a serious disease. (Livy l. 45. with Polyb. Legat. 93.)

3353. When Antiochus saw that his edicts were despised by the people, he forced everyone by torture to eat unclean meats and to renounce Judaism. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.) Howbeit, many of the Israelites were fully resolved not to eat any unclean thing and they chose to die that they might not be defiled with those meats and not profane the holy covenant. /APC 1Ma 1:62,63.

3354. Therefore Antiochus sat in an imminent place, as president with his assessors and his army with their weapons around them. He ordered every Hebrew to be snatched away and to eat swine's flesh and such things as had been offered to idols. If any should refuse the profane meat, they were to be executed after being racked on wheels. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.)

3355. Of the many that were taken, a leader, Eleazar was captured. He was a 90 year old priest who was a famous scribe and most expert in the knowledge of the laws. He was well known to many of the followers of Antiochus and was brought before them. He refused to eat swine's flesh nor did he pretend to have eaten it. He chose rather to undergo the most cruel torments than to violate the law. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.) /APC 2Ma 6:18-31.

3356. After him, seven young brothers with their most courageous mother were brought before Antiochus. They refused to taste swine's flesh. After they had been tortured to death with newly invented torments handled in a most cruel manner. The most noble martyrdom of these persons is found described in /APC 2Ma 7 and in the small treatise of Josephus, touching the Maccabees, entitled "Of the Empress Reason". In the Latin paraphrase of it written by Rufinus, these persons are reported to be brought from their citadel named Sasandrum to Antioch to the king. Their names were Maccabeus, Aber, Machir, Judas, Aelias, Areth, Jacob, and the mother's name is said to be Solomona. However, the later Hebrew historians call her Hannah.

3357. In Judah, about this time, Rhazis an elder of Jerusalem gave a notable example to others. He risked his body and soul for the defence of the Jewish religion. For this love to his country he was termed, "The Father of the Jews." /APC 2Ma 14:37,38

[Soldier4Christ]

3358. The king's officers, who in Judea forced men to this apostasy, came to the town called Modin. They planned to compel the Israelites to sacrifice to idols. /APC 1Ma 2:15 Modin was a village near Diospolis, as Eusebius relates in his book. Mattathias son of Jonathan, which was the son of Simeon, lived there at that time. He was a priest of Jerusalem of the family of Jehoiarib, who was the first among the 24 courses. 1Ch 24:7 He had five sons, John called Caddes or Gaddes, Simon called Thassi, Judas called Maccabeus, Eleazar called Abaron or Avaran, and Jonathan called Apphus. /APC 1Ma 2:1-5 Those seven martyrs who died at Antioch are called Maccabean brethren from their older brother Maccabeus. So the custom prevailed that from Judas Maccabeus, if not the first of Mattathias' five sons in age (as Josephus thinks in his first book of the war, chapter one.) By the account of prowess and glory they achieved, /APC 1Ma 2:66 3:4,9 4:25 they all received the common name of Maccabees. However, their father Mattathias or Matthias is called by Josephus (Bellum l. 1. c. 1. as also in the Chronicle of Eusebius, and the lesser Seder Olam of the Hebrews) the son of Asamonaeus. In (Antiq. l. 12. c. he is called the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Assamoneas. The ordinary Hebrews think Mattathias to have been called Hasamoneus and that from him that surname descended to his posterity. R. David Kimchi thinks this is based on Ps 68:5-32 where he denotes the word ~ynsfx, "princes."

3359. Antiochus' officers earnestly exhorted Mattathias when he was brought to them to set an example and yield obedience to the king. The city of Modin was fortified with his sons and brethren. This he refused to do and killed a certain Jew whom he saw sacrificing on the heathen altar and at the same time killed the king's commissioner also (called by Joseph. Antiqu. l. 12. c. 8, Apelles) who forced men to sacrifice there. He threw down the altar and after that exhorted all who were zealous of the law to follow him. He with his sons fled into the mountains and left all their goods in the city. /APC 1Ma 2:16-28

3360. Then many, that sought after justice went down into secret places and together with their children and wives and cattle lived in caves. When this was known by Philip, (that Phrygian whom Antiochus had left governor at Jerusalem) /APC 2Ma 5:22 the king's commanders with the garrison of the citadel of Jerusalem pursued after them. When they could not persuade them to obey the king's commandment, they threw fire into the cave on the sabbath day. They killed about 1000 people including their wives and children with the cattle. Those who were trapped there, made no resistance and honoured the sabbath day. (/APC 1Ma 2:29-38 2Ma 6:11 Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 8.)

3361. When Mattathias and his friends were told of this, they grieved for them. They decided that from then on they would attack the enemy to drive him out. (/APC 1Ma 2:39-41 Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 8.)

3362. The company of Asideans joined them. They were religious men who voluntarily offered themselves for the defence of the law by arms, and all who were compelled to flee from the wicked. They set up an army and killed some of the impious men and forced others to flee to other countries. However, Mattathias and his friends marched up and down the country and threw down altars. They circumcised all children whom they found uncircumcised in the land of Israel. They chased the enemy and had good success. /APC 1Ma 2:42-48

3363. Fearing the Romans, the Cibyrates did not want Polyaratus the Rhodian, among them. They were unable to take him to Rome because they were not skilled sailors. They sent an embassy to Rhodes and also into Macedonia to L. Emilius Paulus the proconsul asking them to take the man. The proconsul wrote to the Cibyrates that they should keep Polyaratus in custody and bring him to Rhodes. He ordered the Rhodians that he should secretly be brought to Rome by sea. So this was done and Polyaratus was at last brought to Rome. (Polyb. in Excerptis Valesi. p. 414.)

3364. King Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome for the help to settle the invasion of the Galatians. He was also to congratulate the senate about the victory over Perseus. Attalus cheerfully lead this embassy because he had assisted the Romans in that war and exposed himself to all dangers as a willing and devoted confederate. He might by some testimony of favour and benevolence, try to find out how acceptable that service was to the senators. Lest he should be tempted also to procure the kingdom, Eumenes sent after his brother to Rome, Stratius the physician. He was a person of most trusted and of great authority with him. He was to be a faithful spy of the things that were done by his brother and a trusty monitor if he should see him depart from his fidelity to Eumenes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45.)

3365. When all men kindly received Attalus at Rome for they knew him and his actions for them in the war and considered him a friend. When a larger number came to honour him than he expected, he became proud not knowing the true reason for which he was so kindly entertained. Most of the Romans did not like Eumenes for they believed that he acted deceitfully in this war, had conferences with Perseus and was waiting to take advantage of any difficulty the Romans may have. Some high officials were eager to draw Attalus into a private discussion and encourage him to lay aside the mission he had undertaken for his brother and to entreat for himself. They said the senate was alienated from his brother and desirous to give him his brother's kingdom. Hence it came to pass that Attalus' mind was so puffed up that he even asked some of these officials to bring the matter to the senate for debate. However Stratius the physician, a person of outstanding prudence and powerful eloquence persuaded him otherwise. He told him that he indeed did now reign with his brother and in the future, he would be left the undoubted successor to the kingdom. This may not be too far off since Eumenes was quite sick and expected to die at anytime. The new disruption in the kingdom from the insurrection of the Gauls, could scarcely be handled by both of them acting together much less if their was civil war in the kingdom. Therefore when Attalus came into the senate, he first expressed joy for the overthrow of Perseus. Then he talked of his active part in that war. Lastly, he requested the senate to send ambassadors to the Galatians. By their authority they should make them stop this war and return to their own lands. He also spoke of the cities of Enions and Maronites which he requested might be given to him. Concerning the accusation against his brother and the division of the kingdom, he said nothing. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45. c. 19.)

3366. The senate thought that Attalus would come to them again and discuss the matter of the kingdom so they promised him to send ambassadors. They were very generous in the gifts they gave to him which were given according to custom. Moreover they promised to give him those cities he asked for. After all this had been done for him, Attalus left the city and the things the senate hoped for did not happen. The senators were frustrated and while Attalus was still in Italy, they declared Aenum and Maronea to be free and reneged on the promise which they had made to Attalus. However, the embassy headed by Publius Licinius was sent to the Galatians. (Polyb. Legat. 93.)

3367. Among the many embassies of Asia and Greece, after Attalus the ambassadors of the Rhodians drew the most attention. They had at this time a two fold mission. First they turned over Philocrates and the later Philophron and Astymedes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45. c. 20.) When the Rhodians received the reply that was given to Agesipolis shortly after the battle with Perseus, they knew the anger of the senators was against them. When they heard their threats, they immediately sent those embassies. (Polyb. Legat. 93.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3368. The delegates appeared first in white clothing as a sign of rejoicing over the Roman victory. If they had come in dirty clothes, they might have looked like mourners for the misfortune of Perseus. The senators had consulted with Marcus Junius the consul while the ambassadors stood in the public assembly. They wanted to determine if they would give to them the place, rewards and a hearing. They decided that no rite of hospitality should be given to them. The consul left the senate and the Rhodians told them they came to congratulate them on their victory and clear the accusations against their city. They requested that they might appear before the senate. They were told that that the Romans usually gave their confederates and friends hospitality, lodging, entertainment and also a senate. However the Rhodians in that war were not considered confederate friends. When they heard this, they all prostrated themselves on the ground and begged the consul and all that were present that they would no more look upon new and false incriminations to their harm than on their previous service to which the Romans were witnesses. They immediately put on mourning clothes and went up and down with prayers and tears to the houses of the chief persons. They entreated them that they would first understand their cause before they were condemned. (Livy l. 45. c. 20.)

3369. Marcus Juventius Talua the praetor, whose job was to oversee the affairs between the citizens and foreigners, stirred up the people against the Rhodians. He set a dangerous precedent of not going though the senate nor the consuls. He made a motion that Rome should declare war on Rhodes and one of the magistrates of that year should be sent with a fleet to manage the war. He hoped that he would be the one to lead the force. M. Antonius and Marcus Pomponius, the tribunes of the people opposed this motion. The praetor and tribunes disputed this matter. The tribunes succeeded in persuading the assembly to defer the matter until Aemilius the general arrived. (Livy l. 45. c. 21.) Antonius violently removed the praetor from the desk. The ambassadors of the Rhodians were brought by him to the senate and made their speeches. Philophron spoke first and then Astymedes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. cum Diod. Sic. Legat. 19. & in Photii Bibliothecca, cod. 244.) The later part of the speech of Astymedes is found in Livy but the first part is missing. Polybius states that Astymedes put his speech among his letters and gave them to the public. However, the same author observes about that speech that it was not liked by the more prudent persons because (perhaps in the first part of it which is missing in Livy) he undertook the defence of his own country in such a manner by accusing the rest of the Greeks.

3370. After the speech was over, they all fell down on their faces and in a humble manner cast down the olive branches. At length they got up again and left the assembly. When the vote was held, those who held the office of consuls or praetors or ambassadors in Macedonia or were involved in the war, were most enraged against the Rhodians. However, Marcus Portius Cato advanced their cause who in spite of his naturally stern disposition, at that time showed himself a gentle and meek senator. He added the speech which he spoke for them in the senate to his fifth book of his Origines, or Derivations. (Livy l. 45. c. 25.) Finally the senators severely upbraided the Rhodians with many things. The reply given to the Rhodians was so phrased that while they were not turned into enemies they did not continue to be allies. (Polyb. Diod. Sic. & Livy l. 45 c. 25.)

3371. When the answer was given, Philocrates immediately went to Rhodes and Astymedes remained at Rome so that he might know what things were going on and notify his country men accordingly. The Rhodians were relieved that the fear of war had past and took the rest of the news sadly but were content. (Polyb. & Livy l. 45. c. 25.)

3372. P. Licinius and the rest of the ambassadors who were sent with Attalus to end the war between the Gauls and King Eumenes arrived at Synnas. At this time Eumenes, who was now recovered, in the beginning of the spring, was up and around and had gathered his army from various places to Sardis. At Synnas, the Roman delegates conferred with Solovetius, the captain of the Gauls and Attalus went along with them. He would not enter into the camp of the Gauls lest his presence should inflame the situation. P. Licinius, talked with the captain of the Gauls and found him more fierce after his talk. So much so it seemed strange that the words of the Roman delegates should prevail so much among those rich kings of Antiochus and Ptolemy that they should make peace. However they held no weight with the Gauls. (Livy l. 45)

3373. Toward summer, the Rhodians sent Theatetus (the copies of Livy have Theodotus) the admiral of the fleet, with a crown of the value of 10,000 or, as we read it in Livy, 20,000 of gold, (at the rate of 16 pounds a piece) that they might by all means procure the friendship with the Romans. They desired that this might so be requested from the Romans that no vote of the Rhodian people should be made concerning it should it be committed to writing. They feared that if they should not obtain it in addition to the failure of their embassy, they would be more disgraced after this refusal. However the truth is that although before this, the Rhodians had assisted the Romans for over 40 years. They continued in their friendship that they never bound themselves to them by a league of amity. They did not want to cut off from the kings the hope that the Rhodians might come to their help if the need arose. Neither did they want to deprive themselves of the chance of profiting from the goodwill and good fortune of these kings. However, now with most earnest desire they endeavoured to procure this honour not that they were in love with new confederates or stood in fear of any save only the Romans themselves. They hoped to reduce Rome's suspicion of them. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45. c. 25. Dio, Legat. 21. or 22.)

3374. Theaetetus had barely arrived at Rome from Rhodes when the Caunians revolted from them. The people of Mylassa occupied the towns of the Euromenses. The Rhodians quickly sent Lycus with an army and forced the Caunians with the help the Cibyrates, to submit to their government. In a battle near Orthesia, they defeated the Mylassens with the Alabandens who had taken away the province of the Euromenses. (Polyb. & Livy l. 45. c. 25.)

3375. At the same time the senate published a decree granting liberty to the Carians and Lycians. After this war the Rhodians were fearful. They thought they had wasted the money giving the crown and vain were the hopes of friendship with the Romans. Thus the Rhodians lost Lycia and Caria, after they had been forced to endure their wars to gain them. (Polyb. Legat. 93. & 140. Livy l. 45. c. 25. Appian. Syriac, p. 116.)

3376. When a senate was granted to Theaetetus, he entreated them concerning the entrance into a league with the Rhodians. While the senators made delays, he died at the age of 80 years. Later the Caunians and Stratonicians, that were in exile, came to Rome. When they were heard by the senate, the senate decreed that the Rhodians must withdraw their garrisons from Caunus and Stratonicea. When the answer was known, Phylophron and Astymedes quickly returned to their country. They feared that if the Rhodians should not recall their garrisons, new calamities would befall their city. (Polyb. Legat. 99.)

3377. About the same time, the Cnossians and Gortynians waged war with the Raucians. They made a league among themselves which they confirmed by an oath that they would not end the war before they had taken Raucus by force. (Polyb. Legat. 100.)

3378. When the Rhodians were notified about the Caunians, they knew the Romans were still angry with them. They obeyed the decree of the senate. (Polyb. Legat. 100.) Thus they lost Caunus which they had bought from the commanders of Ptolemy with 200 talents. They also lost Strotonicea, which they had received as a generous gift from Antiochus and Seleucus. Both cities paid 120 talents yearly to their city. (Polyb. Legat. 104.)

3379. The Rhodians sent an embassy to Rome headed by Aristotle. They were to earnestly ask for friendship with the Romans. About mid-summer the ambassadors arrived and were heard before the senate. They said the Rhodians had obeyed all the things they were asked and they urged the senators with many reasons to grant them amity. The senate's reply contained no mention of amity for the Rhodians. (Polyb. Legat. 100.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3838a AM, 4547 JP, 167 BC

3380. At the beginning of autumn, L. Aemilius Paulus appointed C. Sulpitius Gallus, to oversee the army. Paulus went with a small retinue to view Greece. His son Scipio and Athenaeus, brother of Eumenes the King, were his bodyguards. He granted liberty to Macedonia and enacted laws suitable for confederates. After settling his serious affairs, he instituted at Amphipolis games which he had been long preparing for. He had sent messengers into the cities of Asia and notified the kings of it. However, in Greece he visited the cities personally and notified the governors of it. In that great gathering of Europe and Asia, a multitude came from every quarter. Some came to congratulate the Romans. Others came to see the sight of such large army and naval forces. Provisions were abundant and cheap. Most received gifts of food for their need and enough to take back home. (Livy l. 45. c. 32,33)

3381. Labeo was sent by the Romans to destroy Antissa in the island Lesbos and for the resettling of the Larysseans to Methymna. When Antenor, Perseus' admiral had sailed about Lesbos, they received and furnished him with supplies. (Livy. c. 45.)

3382. Prusias (Venator), king of Bithynia, with his son Nicomedes, came to Rome. The senate sent L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer, to meet him at Capua and decreed that a most excellent house should be rented for him at Rome. Provisions were to be charged to the public account for himself and all his retinue. He was entertained and treated like a good friend by the whole city of Rome. (Livy l. 45. c. 44. Valer. Maxim. l. 5. c. 1.)

3383. After he entered the city with a great train, he went from the gate and the judgment seat of Q. Cussius the mayor, to the forum. A large crowd was on every side. He said, that he came to worship the gods who dwelt at Rome as also to greet the senate and Roman people. He congratulated them on their victory over Perseus and Gentius the king. They increased their empire by subduing the Macedonians and Sclavonians. When the mayor had told him that if he pleased, he would hold a senate for him that day. He requested a two day delay so that he might visit the temples of the gods, the city and his friends. L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer was appointed to him for a guide. The third day, he came to the senate and congratulated them on their victory. He mentioned his part in that war and requested that he might be allowed to perform his vow by offering 10 large sacrifices in the capitol at Rome and one at Praeneste to Fortune. These were his vows for the conquest of the people of Rome and that his friendship with the Romans would be renewed. He wanted the land that was taken from King Antiochus and was occupied by the Gauls, although the Romans had given it to no one. Last of all, he entrusted his son Nicomedes to the senate. He was supported by all those who had been commanders in Macedonia. Therefore the rest of his requests were granted. Concerning the land, they said they would send ambassadors to inquire whether it belonged to the Roman people and was assigned to no one. They willingly accepted Nicomedes. Ptolemy, king of Egypt whose kingdom was preserved by the Romans when Antiochus invaded it, testified to the care the Roman people took of the children of their confederate kings. Moreover, it was commanded, that beasts and other things that were needed for sacrifices, whether he would offer them at Rome or at Praeneste, should be given to the king, as to the Roman magistrates at the public expense. 20 long ships should be given to him from the fleet which lay at Brundusium. He could use these until the king came to the fleet that assigned to him. Also L. Cornelius Scipio should accompany him and should pay all his expenses until they should take sail. It is reported, that the king was overjoyed by the kindness of the Roman people. He refused the gifts that were given to him but commanded his son to accept of the gift of the Roman people. These things the Roman writers relate of Prusias. (Livy. l. 45. c. 44.)

3384. Polybius and other Greek authors write, that when he came into the senate, he bowed low and kissed the threshold of the senate and called the senators, his tutelary gods. He spoke not so honourably to the hearers as unbecoming to himself. For this extraordinary action, he received a more courteous answer from the senate, (Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 97. Diod. Sic. Legat. 22. or 23.) However, after he stayed in the city about 30 days, he left for his kingdom. (Livy l. 45. c. 44.)

3385. About this time, news arrived that Eumenes was on his way to Rome. If he were excluded from Rome, he might be thought to be an enemy because he remained neutral in the Macedonian war. If he were admitted, people would think he was exonerated. There was a general law made that no king should be permitted to come to Rome. (Polyb. Legat. 97. Livy c. 46.) After it was known that Eumenes had arrived at Brundusium in Italy, they sent to him the treasurer, to bring this decree to him. He was to ask whether he had to address the senate about anything. If he had no request to make to the senators, then he should tell the treasurer and quickly leave Italy. After the king had met with the treasurer and understood the pleasure of the senate, he said nothing about business with him and assured him that he needed nothing. By this means the Romans prevented Eumenes' arrival at Rome and procured something else that was of great concern to them. The kingdom of Pergamos was in great danger from the Galatians. There was no doubt that by this disgraceful rejection of Eumenes, the courage of all his friends would be abated. The Galatians would be twice as courageous in waging war. This happened at the beginning of winter. (Polyb. Legat. 97.)

3838 AM, 4548 JP, 166 BC

3386. Mattathias exhorted his sons to the study of piety and to defend the law of God. He commended Simon to them, as a counsellor and father, but Judas Maccabeus, as the commander of their wars because from his youth he was very brave. After this, he blessed them and he died in the 146th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. He had governed the miserable and banished troops one year. His sons buried him in the sepulchres of their fathers at Modin and all the Israelites bewailed him with a great lamentation. (/APC 1Ma 2:49-70 Joseph. l. 12. c. 8. 9.)

3387. Judas Maccabeus' brothers and all who followed his father helped him. He succeeded in his father's place. /APC 1Ma 3:1,2 He went secretly into the villages and exhorted their kinsmen and took those with them who remained loyal to the Jewish religion. They gathered 6000 men and called on the Lord that he would take pity on his profaned temple and the ruined city. He would hear the blood that cried to him and remember the unjust death of the innocent infants and the blasphemies that were committed against his name. They asked that he would show his hatred against the wicked. /APC 2Ma 8:1-4

3388. In the meantime when Antiochus heard of the games held by Emilius Paulus in Macedonia he planned to have more magnificent games than Paulus held. He sent delegates and observers into the cities who declared that at Daphane near Antioch, games would be held by him. His intent was that from all Greece (as Polybius) or from all parts of the world (as Diodorus states) famous men might eagerly come to that show. Polybius in the 31st book of his history thus describes the games.

3389. First there were 5000 men in their prime dressed like Roman soldiers, with clubbed brigantines. After these followed just as many Mysians. Next came 3000 lightly armed Cilicians, harnessed with golden crowns. After this came 3000 Thracians and 5000 Galatians. Some had silver shields. After this came 240 pairs of gladiators. They were followed by 1000 riding on Pisaean or rather Nisaean horses. (The most learned Casaubon has corrected this error.) 3000 were riding on common horses and most had gold or silver crowns. These were followed by about 1000 cavalry by their confederates and friends who were all furnished with golden trappings. With these followed 1000 more cavalry of their associate friends adorned in the same way. Besides these marched 1000 choice men who were excellent horsemen. They were followed by about 1000 called by the Greeks, Agema or the company. Lastly came 1500 horsemen in complete armour from head to toe called by the Greeks, Cataphracti because both men and horses were covered with arms. All these persons had purple coats. Some of the coats were interwoven with gold and had with the image of live beasts. After these marched 100 chariots with six horses abreast and 42 wagons with four horses abreast. There was a chariot drawn with a pair elephants, and another with two horses. After these followed 36 single elephants in no particular order.

[Soldier4Christ]

3390. Next came about 800 youths with golden coronets and almost 5000 fat oxen with 300 tables for holy uses plus 800 elephants' teeth. Then men carried whatever they said or believed to be gods or Genii. Some carried images of their heroes, Some of them were gilded over and others were clothed in golden robes. Each one gallantly adorned with his eulogy and motto according to the legend written about him. To these were added the images of the night, of the day, the earth, of the heavens, of the morning and of the noon. 1000 pages belonging to Dionysius, the king's secretary, went in this pompous train, carrying silver vessels none of which weighed less than a 1000 drachmas. These were followed by 600 more of the king's pages carrying vessels of gold. Then came about 200 women whose job was to sprinkle the spectators with their sweet ointments from their golden chalices. In the rear came 80 women gloriously clothed and adorned with costly clothes who were carried in litters with golden legs. 500 came in litters with silver legs. These things were most remarkable in the pageantry.

3391. After this, a great number of contests of sports, fencing and hunting were held for 30 days. All this time a variety of ointments was provided by the king for all who played for any prize. For this purpose 15 golden jars were brought full of ointments of saffron. An equal number contained cinnamon and spikenard. These ointments were given freely for the first 5 days. For the rest of the games ointments of olive oil, marjoram, and lilies were given freely. For the guests, sometimes 1000 other times 1500 tables were most richly spread. All these things were magnificently performed. He paid for these from what he had cheated king Philometor out of in Egypt while he was still a minor. Other funds came from the spoils of those many temples which he had plundered. (Polyb. in Athenaus, l. 5. c. 4. & l. 10. c. 12.)

3392. But the glory of this preparation was eclipsed and debased by those unworthy actions the king did personally. For he went riding up and down on a little riding horse ordering as he pleased, some to stand, others to pass. He did this in such a way that except for his diadem no one would have thought him a king who barely qualified as a servant. All the times of the feast, he stood at the doors of the rooms where the feast was kept. He conducted some in, others he placed at the tables. He ushered in the servants that brought in the dishes. Sometimes he walked around, sometimes he sat down and sometimes he lay on the floor. Often he would run around to remove a dish or a cup from the table. In drinking with his guests, he now and then drank to those who drank to him. He sported and jested with such as were so inclined. Moreover, many had left because the feast went on for a long time, he came in a disguise brought in by the actors and laid along on the ground as if he had been one of their company. Finally, he was roused by the sound of music, he got up and started dancing and acting his part with ridiculous gestures. All were so ashamed of the king's behaviour, they left the feast. (Polyb. ibid. & cum secutus Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 321.)

3393. The show finally finished. Tiberius Gracchus, was sent as an ambassador by the senate to Antiochus. He was to determine what the king was up to and spy on his affairs. The king entertained him with such cheerfulness and alacrity that he did not suspect a plot or discover the least token of alienation in him for what had happened at Alexandria. Tiberius opposed those who wanted to impeach him. Antiochus gave his royal palace to the ambassadors of Rome which was as good as his very diadem. Notwithstanding all this ceremony, his will and affection was most irreconcilably alienated against the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 101. & 109. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 322.)

3394. While Antiochus was at leisure in the games at Daphne, Judas Maccabeus was busy in Judea. He was greatly helped by his brothers. He drove out the enemy, killed his apostate countrymen and purged the land from its uncleanness. (Joseph. l. 12. c. 9.) He attacked cities and villages by surprise and burned them. He controlled the most strategic places. He routed large numbers of his enemies. He usually attacked by night to get the element of surprise. The fame of his valour spread everywhere. /APC 1Ma 3:8,9 2Ma 8:6,7

3395. Ambassadors were sent from the Galatians in Asia to Rome. The senate granted them freedom to rule themselves as long as they stayed in their land and did not attack other lands. (Polyb. Legat. 102.)

3396. Pytho was sent on a mission from Prusias, king of Bithynia to Rome. He complained to the senate about Eumenes. He had pillaged Prusias' territories and seized some places for himself. He charged also that Eumenes would not stop his encroachment on Galatia nor submit to the decrees of the senate. He only advanced his own interests. On the contrary, Prusias obeyed the desires of the Roman people and desired that his country be governed by the precepts of the senate. Likewise, others came from the Asiatic cities with fresh accusations, hinting at an alliance between Eumenes and Antiochus against the Romans. When the senate had heard these things, they did not refute the accusations or say what they would do. They kept everything secret and watched carefully the actions of Eumenes and Antiochus with increasing jealousy. In the meantime, they satisfied the Galatians in some matters and helped them affirm their freedom. (Polyb. Legat. 104. Livy l. 46.)

3397. Astymedes the Rhodian delegate, pleaded his country's cause at Rome before the senate. He was now more moderate and not so hot in his speech as in his former ambassage. He omitted all recriminations and made it his only business at present to show that his countrymen had suffered sufficiently and far beyond the degree of the offence. His main complaint was that the Rhodians had lost the revenue from their harbour. In regard to that, the Romans had discharged Delos from paying tribute and had also taken from the people the liberty which they formerly enjoyed in determining tariffs and other matters of public concern. The custom duties which in former times netted a million drachma now barely amounted to 150,000. The senate knew that only a few were engaged in criminal behaviour and these had been punished by the people. He requested that they would not show their displeasure against those who were not involved in any way but to receive them into their grace and favour as they did before. Their country stood more in need of friends in peacetime than an ally for war. His speech seemed so suitable to the present condition of the Rhodians that when Tiberius Gracchus (who was recently from Asia where he was an ambassador) said this. The Rhodians had submitted themselves to the decrees of the senate and all were executed who had anything to do with bringing the Rhodians into disfavour with the Romans. He silenced his adversaries and prevailed with the Romans that they would take the Rhodians into their alliance. (Polyb. Legat. 104.)

3398. Tiberius could not tell any more to the Senate about the plans of Eumenes and Antiochus than that they know before Tiberius had left Rome. The kings had entertained him most graciously. (Polyb. Legat. 105.)

3399. Apollonius, governor of Samaria raised a large army from the Gentiles and Samaritans and attacked the Jews. However, Judas Maccabeus killed him and many others. The rest fled. Judas took the spoil including Apollonius' own sword which always used in the war after that. (/APC 1Ma 3:10-12 Joseph. l. 12. c. 10.)

3400. Seron who governed Coelosyria heard how that Judas was well equipped with an army and large numbers from all parts were coming to him. Seron mustered all the forces under his command including the renegade Jews and camped near the way up to Bethhoron. Judus routed his whole army and 800 of them were killed. The rest fled into the land of the Philistines near the sea coast. (/APC 1Ma 3:13-24 Joseph. l. 12. c. 10.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3839a AM, 4548 JP, 166 BC

3401. As soon as the news of this defeat came to Antiochus, he was so furious that immediately levied all the troops of his kingdom. He gave them a year's pay and ordered them to be ready for service. After this salary was paid, he saw his treasury was empty.The Jewish revolt deprived him of 300 talents of silver each year. Also intense persecution raged in the Greek cities and many regions thus reducing his revenues. He did not spare the Gentiles while he try to make the forsake their ancient superstitions and conform to his worship. Insomuch, that he feared that he would not find enough to defray his expenses and gratuities. In this he was very generous and surpassed all the kings that came before him. He determined to go into Persia to get money there. /APC 1Ma 3:27-31 (Joseph. l. 12. c. 11. Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. l. 2.)

3402. Before he left, he put Lysias of Syrian royalty, as governor over all the regions from the river Euphrates to the borders of Egypt. He entrusted him with the care of his son Antiochus. (Eupator) He committing to him, half of all his forces and his elephants. He was ordered to utterly to root out the name of the Jews and to give their country to strangers. Antiochus left with the rest of his sons from Antioch near Daphne in the 147th year of the kingdom of Greeks. He crossed over the Euphrates River and marched into the high countries. /APC 1Ma 3:32-37

3403. Philip, whom Antiochus had appointed over Jerusalem /APC 2Ma 5:22 saw how Judas Maccabeus grew stronger and stronger every day. He wrote to Ptolemy (son of Dorymenes) the governor of Coelosyria for help. Ptolemy immediately sent Nicanor son of Patroclus, a most trusted friend, with more than 20,000 soldiers from all nations. He was to exterminate the Jews. Ptolemy also sent Gorgias as a joint commander. He was a captain who was quite experienced in military affairs. /APC 2Ma 8:8,9

3404. Lysias also sent Ptolemy as a reserve to them. Under these three commanders, Ptolemy, Nicanor and Gorgias, were 40,000 foot soldiers and 7,000 cavalry. They marched with their entire army and camped by Emmaus in the plain country. /APC 1Ma 3:38-40

3405. Since Antiochus was 2000 talents in arrears to the Romans, Nicanor settle the account from the sale of the captive Jews. For that purpose, he invited from the cities near the seacoast 1000 merchants. He promised them 90 slaves for one talent. /APC 2Ma 8:10,11,14,34,36. No sooner was this known but the merchants of the country with their attendants came to the camp to purchase the Jews for slaves. Large numbers also came from Syria and the Philistines to barter for slaves. /APC 1Ma 3:41

3406. Jerusalem being now abandoned by its inhabitants and the temple was profaned. In these distressing times, Judas Maccabeus moved with his army to Maspha or Mizpa. Before the temple was built, the Jews used to worship there. Jud 11:11 20:1 21:5,8 1Sa 7:5,6 10:17 He proclaimed a fast and with most fervent prayers asked the Lord's protection of his small army. He had only 6000 (7000 in the Latin edition) against this huge force. After this, such as had betrothed wives or planted vineyards or were afraid he sent away according to the law.De 20:6-8 He divided his army into four squadrons of 1500 men and each squadron to one of his brothers. The army moved and camped on the south side of Emmaus opposite to the enemy. Judas earnestly exhorted them to behave valiantly even to die for their country and the laws of their God. He ordered them to be ready for the battle the next day. /APC 1Ma 3:42-60 2Ma 8:12-22

3407. That night Gorgias planned a surprise attack. He took 500 foot soldiers and 1000 choice cavalry and came toward the Jew's camp. He had the garrison soldiers of Fort Sion for his escort. When Judas found this out, he wisely used this opportunity to attack the enemy while they were divided. He marched immediately to Emmaus against Nicanor while Gorgias their normal commander away. When Gorgias came by night to the Jew's camp and no one was there. He thought they had fled and searched for them in the mountains. At the break of day Judas showed himself in the plains of Emmanus with 3000 men. These had neither armour or swords. /APC 1Ma 4:1-6

3408. Judas encouraged his soldiers to the battle and given the word to fight. By the help of God, he led the troops against Nicanor and killed more than 9000 and wounded and maimed the most of Nicanor's army. They were all routed. The Jews pursued some of them from Emmanus as far as Gazara (as the Greek copy of the Maccabees, in the end of Arundel's library reads it) or Gadara (as Josephus). Other fled to the plains of Idumea, others as far as Palestine, Azotus, and Jamnia. About 3000 stragglers were killed. /APC 1Ma 4:8-15 2Ma 8:23,24

3409. Among those that fled were the merchants, who were certain of victory and of getting a good bargain on slaves. They became targets themselves. The Jews seized their money which the brought to buy them with. When they had long pursued them they sounded a retreat. For the evening, on which the sabbath began, was drawing near. After that they had gathered up the arms of the vanquished host and taken the spoils from them, they prepared for the observation of the sabbath,. They magnified the mercy of God for this so marvellous a deliverance. /APC 2Ma 8:25-27

3410. Judas has his Jews who were eager for plunder to stop. He feared of an encounter with Gorgias who was now returned from his fruitless expedition. Those forces were in the mountains. The enemy knew what had happened by the smoke of the burning tents and the other division of their army was routed. When they saw Judas on the plain, standing in battle array ready to engage them, they all scattered into the land of strangers. The land was thus cleared of the enemy. Judas returned to the spoil where he found plenty of gold, blue silk, purple of the sea, which the Phoenician merchants had left behind them and much wealth. /APC 1Ma 4:16-23 All this the soldiers shared among themselves, having first set aside a portion for the maimed, widows and orphans. Then together they beseeched the Lord that he would continue to be gracious and favourable to his servants. /APC 2Ma 8:28,29

3411. After this the Jews fought with Timothy and Bacchides and slew in that battle more than 20,000 of the enemy. They took over the forts, and divided among themselves much spoil. They set aside some for the maimed, orphans, widows and aged persons into equal portions with themselves. When they had gathered up the arms and disposed of them into the most convenient places, the remainder of the spoil they carried to Jerusalem. They also slew Philarches, one of Timothy's men. He was a most wretched fellow and a notorious persecutor of the Jews. and in the midst of their solemn festival, which they had instituted For their recent victory, they burnt Callisthenes alive after he had taken sanctuary in a little house. He had burned the holy gates. Nicanor stripped himself of all his glorious clothes so to be less noticed. He came like a solitary fugitive through the midland country to Antioch. He confessed that the Jews were utterly unconquerable because they had God for their Protector. /APC 2Ma 8:30-36

3412. Lysias was told by one who esacped what had happened. He was counfounded because the things which he wanted happened to Israel did not occur and the king's ordered were thwarted. /APC 1Ma 4:26,27