THE ANNALS THE WORLD

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3070. After sitting at Samos in council about naval matters, Emilius sailed with all his fleet to the very mouth of the port of Ephesus to terrify the enemy. Livius went to Patara in Lycia. Emilius was driven from Ephesus by a storm and so returned to Samos. The cities which Livius passed by Miletus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, Cnidus and Cos readily accepted him. Lycia did not welcomed him for he encountered both a storm at sea and the enemy at land. Therefore he returned to Greece again. After this, he spoke with the two Scipios who were at that time in Thessaly that he might then return to Italy. (Livy l. 37.)

3071. At Samos, Emilius the Praetor and Eumenes received letters from the Scipios. There was a truce with the Etolians and they were to march towards Hellespont. Also the Etolians said the same to Antiochus and his son Seleucus. (Polyb. Legat. 19.)

3072. Eumenes sent his agents into Achaia to make an association with them which the commons in a general assembly had ratified and sent to him a company of tall young men to assist him. (Polyb. Legat. 20.)

3073. L. Emilius with all his fleet passed by Miletus and the other cities of that coast and landed in the Bay of Bargillia. They went to Iassus, the city was held by a garrison of Antiochus' men. They sent to the magistrates and other chief men of the city to persuade them to surrender. They were told that they would do nothing. Therefore he drew up to the walls in order to besiege it. However, the exiles of Iassus who were among the Rhodians, prevailed with them and through Eumenes' mediation, they drew off and left the siege. (Livy l. 37.)

3074. Those of Heraclea in Pontus sent ambassadors to Emelius. He sent them a very kind and favourable answer in writing purporting that the senate of Rome would be their good friends. Further, neither their counsel nor concerns would be ignored whenever they should have an occasion to use them. (Memnon Excerpt. c. 28.)

3075. While Eumenes was away helping the Romans and Rhodians attack the sea towns of Lycia, Seleucus and his army invaded his country. They first came in an hostile manner to Elaea. When they were unable to take the city, they wasted all the country around it. From there he marched with all his forces to Pergamus itself, the capital city of this kingdom. Attalus, Eumenes' brother drew out and pitched his camp before the city walls. He had many skirmishes with the enemy. He was too weak to fight them so he stayed within the walls and the city was besieged. (Memnon Excerpt. c. 28.)

3076. About the same time, Antiochus went from Apamea and camped first at Sardis, not far from his son Seleucus near the head of the Caicus River. He had with him a huge army made up of various nations. In it, the strongest most frightening squadron was the Gallograecians who had 4000 soldiers. With these and a few others, he went to ravage and waste all the country about Pergamus from one end to the other. (Memnon Excerpt. c. 28.)

3077. At Samos, Eumenes heard this and he was called away to take care of his own affairs at home. He sailed ship and with all his men and came to Elaea. From there he went to Pergamus before the enemy heard of his arrival. He sailed out from there often and made some small skirmishes with the enemy. A few days later both the Roman and the Rhodian fleet came from Samos to Elaea to help him. (Memnon Excerpt. c. 28.)

3078. Antiochus heard that there were so many fleets come together into the same port. A consul with his army was all ready in Macedonia and making provisions at Hellespont for his crossing into Asia. Antiochus thought it a good time to try for a peace with the Romans, Eumenes and the Rhodians all at once. Therefore he moved his camp and came to Elaea. After taking a little hill opposite the city, he left all his foot soldiers and with his cavalry (who were about 6000 men) and went down into a plain close to the walls of the city. He sent some commissioners into the city to ask for peace. Thereupon L. Emilius sent for Eumenes from Pergamus to come there to him. He advised what was the best course of action. Eudamus and Pamphilidas, the commanders of the Rhodian fleet, were also there giving advice. They said the Rhodians were not against a peace. Eumenes said that it was not for their honour to make a peace treaty. However they could not settle the matter at that time. Therefore Emelius sent Antiochus word that before the coming of the consul no peace could be made. When he had this reply, Antiochus started wasting the country all about Elaea. He leaf Seleucus to continue the siege before Pergamus and marched away in a rage with the rest of his army. He did not stop until he came into that rich country which was called Thebe's Campus, that is, the plain of Thebes. He made all manner of havock there and greatly enriched all his army for that present time. (Polyb. Legat. 21. Livy l. 37.)

3079. At the same time, the Acheans sent Diophanes of Megalopolis with 1000 foot soldiers and 100 cavalry came to Elaea for Eumenes. (Livy l. 37. with Polyb. Legat. 20.) These were old veterans and their captain was trained under Philopoen, the most famous commander of all the Greeks in his time. (Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 201. with Polyb. Legat. 20. p. 810. & in Excerpt. Vales. p. 110.)

3080. As soon as they were landed, Attalus sent some to show them the way and brought them to Pergamus. As soon as these Achaeans arrived, they made continual sallies against Seleucus to make him withdraw and leave that country. (Livy l. 37. and Appian. p. 102, 103.) However, Seleucus stayed in the area and annoyed his foes and helped his friends in those parts. (Livy l. 37.)

3081. While Antiochus marched in an hostile manner to Adramyteum, Emilius and Eumenes came by sea to rescue it. Thereupon Antiochus did not attack the town, but started plundering the country around it. He captured Peraea, a colony of the Mitylenians. Likewise he took Cottos, Corylenus, Aphrodysians and Crene on the first assault. He then returned by Thyatira to Sardis. (Livy l. 37.)

3082. The Roman fleet with the Rhodians and Eumenes went first to Mitylene and from there returned to Elaea. They sailed to Phocaea and anchored at Baccius, an island very close to the city of Phocaea. They plundered their temples and monuments which they had spared before. When they came to the city, they found a company of 3000 of Antiochus' foot soldiers who had gotten in their before they came. Hence they did not besiege the place and returned again to the island where they were before. After they first ravaged the country around there, the Roman fleet returned to Elaea and Eumenes and the Rhodians to Samos. (Livy l. 37.)

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3083. About midsummer, the Rhodian fleet fought with Antiochus' navy. The Rhodian fleet had 32 ships of 4 tiers of oars and 4 others of 3 tiers of oars. Hannibal brought this fleet of 37 ships from Syria. Some were of an extraordinary size. The battle happened at Sida, a cape of Pamphylia. The Rhodians routed Hannibal but could not pursue him because their sailors were weak and sickly. However, to prevent him from joining with the old fleet, they sent Chariclitus with 20 ships to Patara and the port Megistus. A little after this, they sent Pamphyulidas with 4 more ships. (Livy. l. 37.) So Hannibal was blockaded in Pamphylia. (Appian. p. 104. see Emil. Prob. in Hannibal)

3084. When Antiochus came to Sardis, he sent ambassadors with letters to Prusias king of Bithynia who was surnamed Cynegus, that is the Hunter. He wanted Prusias to join with him against the Romans. This worried Prusias for the present. However, other letters came to him from the two brothers, Lu. and Pub. Scipio. These told him not to fear the Romans. This was especially true, when shortly after this, an embassy was sent to him from Rome. The leader of it was C. Livius, who recently commanded their fleet. When he spoke with them, he resolved to side with the Romans and to break off entirely with Antiochus. (Polyb. Legat, 22. p. 811, 812. Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 101.)

3085. When Antiochus saw no further hope of getting Prusias on his side, he moved from Sardis to Ephesus. There he viewed his fleet, which had been in preparation for a long time. He saw no other way to prevent the Romans from moving their land army into Asia. He had to make himself absolute master of the sea. He resolved to do what he could and to risk a naval battle. (Polyb. and Livy l. 37.)

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3086. Therefore he immediately went to see whether he could take Notium, which was a town of the Cloephonians not far from Ephesus where he was. He hoped then when the Romans came to relieve their confederate town by land, admiral Polyxenidas would have an opportunity for a major naval victory. Polyxenidus had at that time under his command 89 or 90 good ships. Emilius and the Rhodians fought with him at Myonesus. Livy says that Emilius had 58 ships and the Rhodians, 22. Appianus says the Rhodians had 25. Polyxenidas was defeated and having a good wind on his back fled quickly back to Ephesus. He lost 42 ships (not 29 only, as Appian has it) of which 13 came quickly into the enemy hands with all the men in them. The Romans had only two leaking ships and a few others damaged. Polyxenidas captured a Rhodian ship and took it with him to Ephesus. This fight was made in December, (as the year went then at Rome). This appears by Macrobius, (l. 1. Saturnalium,) has written:

``that 11 Calend. January, &c. upon the 21st of December, was a feast dedicated to their Lares (i.e. their household gods). At this time, L. Emilius Regillus, praetor, in the war against Antiochus, vowed to build a temple in Campo Martio.''

3087. Livy (Livy l. 40.) tells us his vow was performed 11 years later. There is also a copy, (but most falsely written) of a table, containing the manner of this victory, hung up by him on the doors not only of his new temple but also in that of Jupiter's in the capitol.

3088. Antiochus was disturbed by the news of this defeat. He was poorly advised to withdraw his garrison from Lysimachia lest they should fall into Roman hands. He raised his siege from Colophos and retired to Sardis. He sent letters to Ariarathes, his son-in-law in Cappadocia, to bring him troops from there and everywhere else that he could find men. (Livy l. 40.) Meanwhile he lay idly at Sardis wasting his time which might have been better spent in ordering his affairs elsewhere. (Polyb. Legat. 23.)

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3089. After this naval victory, Emilius sailed straight to Ephesus and arranged his ships in battle formation before the very mouth of the port. This publicly showed that Antiochus had lost the mastery of the sea. Emilius sailed to Chios and repaired his ships damaged in the battle. He sailed to Phocaea which had recently revolted from the Romans. He tried first to take it directly, but it later surrendered to him. He could not prevent his soldiers from plundering it. He returned to them their city, lands and their laws. With the approach of winter, he stayed there because the place had two ports. (Livy l. 37.)

3090. About the same time Lysimachia, which was well supplied with all kinds of provisions, welcomed the Roman generals and the two Scipios when they came. The Romans continued through the Chersonde to the Hellespont. They found everything already prepared by Eumenes for their crossing. They crossed over as if into a friend's country. No man hindered their journey. (Livy l. 37.)

 

3091. Antiochus was at his wits end and did not know what to do. He sent Heraclides of Byzantium to sue for peace with the Romans. He had instructions both in general to the council of war there and in particular to P. Scipio Africanus. The council replied to him that he must pay the cost of this war and surrender all Asia on this side the Taurus Mountains to the Romans. Antiochus could not imagine anything worse than if he were utterly defeated. He abandoned any attempts for peace and prepared for war. (Polyb. Legat. 23. Diod. Sic. Legat. 6, 7. published by Fulvi. Ursinus, Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 105.)

3092. L. Scipio the consul, journeyed to the Hellespont or Dardanus and Rhetaeus. All the people of both places came joyfully from their cities to greet them. He went from there to Ilium and pitched his camp in the plain which lay beside the walls there. He went up into the city and the citadel. He sacrificed to Minerva as the president and protectrix of that place. There was much joy and mutual congratulations between the men of Ilium and the Romans. They recounted how Aeneas and his captains that went from Troy to eventually found Rome, were their country men. The Romans were just as proud that they were descended from them. They were like parents and children who had been separated by a long absence and now were joyfully reunited. (Livy l. 37. & Justin, l. 31. c. 8.) Demetrius Scepsius says of himself, that when he was a boy and came to Ilium, that he saw their houses lying in such a poor state that they had not so much as roof tiles to cover them with. (Strabo. l. 3. p. 594.)

3093. Scipio left there and after a 6 day march came to the head of the Caicus River. Eumenes met him with his forces. They made provision for food to carry with them for many days. They planned to attack Antiochus and settle the business before winter came. (Strabo. l. 3. p. 594.)

3094. P. Scipio Africanus became sick and was carried to Eleaea. He left his substitute, Cn. Domitius to take over his responsibilities. Antiochus intercepted Scipio in a plain near Thyatira not far from the enemy. He sent the young P. Scipio home to his father without a ransom. This was to ease his mind and to help him get well again. (See Polyb. Legat. 23. Livy l. 37. Justin, l. 31. c. 7. Appian. p. 105, 106. Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illustr. p. 609.)

3095. The senate and people of Heraclea in Pontus sent an embassy to the Scipioes and desired that they would ratify and confirm that league which Emilius had previously made with them. This was done. They also prayed that Antiochus might be taken into the favour and friendship of the people of Rome. They drew up a general decree of the people at Heraclea and sent it to Antiochus. They advised him to abandon the war against the Romans. (Memnon, Excerpt. c. 28.)

3096. Florus, (Histor. Roman. l. 2. c. 8.) tells us that Antiochus had equipped his army with very large elephants all clad and glittering with gold, silver, scarlet and ivory from elephants. In /APC 1Ma 8:6 we read that he had 120 elephants. This is likely correct for he had 102 when he fought with Ptolemy and 150 later. (see notes on 3787 AM & 3799 AM from Polyb.) Livy says he had only 54 elephants, 70,000 foot soldiers and almost 12,000 cavalry. Appian tells us that he only had 70,000 troops in all. However, Florus greatly exaggerates when he says:

``He had 300,000 foot soldiers and as many cavalry and iron chariots in the field that day.''

3097. Appian affirms that the Romans had only 30,000 foot soldiers. Livy says that of these, about 2000 Macedonians and Thracians were left to defend the camp.

3098. This battle was fought near to Magnesia at the foot of the Sipylus Hill. Hannibal was not there since he was still bottled up in Pamphylia with his fleet which he brought from Syria. P. Scipio Africanus was not there either because he was sick and in the city of Elaea. The day of the battle was misty. Antiochus, with so large an army, could not see both wings of his army at once. The dampness ruined the strings of the bows and thongs which they threw their darts with. Nevertheless they forced the right wing of the Roman army to run and flee to the camp. When Emilius who was on the left wing, saw them coming, he sent out his men to meet them. They threatened to kill them with their swords unless they returned into the battle. Thereupon, they found themselves hemmed in with their friends ahead of them and the enemies behind. Emilius also offered himself and 2000 of his men to go with them. They turned around and ran desperately into the throng of the enemy and made a vast slaughter of them. This was the turning point in the battle. Antiochus lost 50,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. (Livy l. 37. Eutrop.) Livy says 1400 were taken prisoner, Justin says 11,000. A few of the elephants were killed and 15 were taken with their masters. A few of the Romans were wounded. They lost not more than 300 foot soldiers and 24 cavalry. Eumenes lost 25 men.

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3099. Antiochus escaped with a few in his company. More joined him as he went and he came to Sardis with a reasonably sized army about next midnight. He heard that his son Seleucus and various of his friends fled to Celaenae near which there was a new city of Apamea built. Before day, he went by horse with his wife and daughter and came there to him. He left Zeno to hold Sardis. He made Timon the governor of the province of Lydia. The next day he went to Syria. He left some of his captains there to salvage what they could from this disaster. (Livy l. 37. Appian. p. 110. & Zonaras, from Dion.)

3100. When Polyxenidas, Antiochus' admiral, heard of this defeat he left Ephesus and sailed as far as Patara in Lycia. For fear of the Rhodian fleet which lay not far from Megistle, he went ashore with a few in his company and came by land to Syria. (Livy l. 37.)

3101. After this victory, ambassadors flocked in from all parts to Scipio. They firts came from Thyatira and Megnesia. then they came from Sardis, Trales, Magnesia upon the Maeander and Ephesus. They all surrendered themselves to him. After this all the cities of Asia did likewise. They submitted themselves wholly to his mercy and the sovereignty of the people of Rome. (Livy l. 37.)

3102. The consul then went to Sardis and his brother P. Scipio came from Elaea to meet him as soon as he was able to travel. About the same time Musaeus was sent as an herald from Antiochus. Through the mediation of P. Scipio, he obtained permission for him to send ambassadors to the consul to sue of peace. Shortly after this Antiochus sent ambassadors from Zeuxis the governor of Lydia and Antipater's brother's son came to him. They first talked with Eumenes who was not friendly toward them because of former quarrels between Antiochus and Eumenes. The ambassadors worked through P. Scipio to address the consul directly. The consul called a full council and listened to them. Thereupon, he offered the king the same conditions as he sent him from Hellespont before the battle at Magnesia. P. Scipio publicly proclaimed that the Roman custom was not to be humiliated by defeat nor become haughty in victory. Therefore, Antiochus must leave Europe and part with all Asia on this side of the Taurus Mountains. He must pay the cost of this war. He must pay 15,000 Euboic talents, 500 now 2500 when the senate and people of Rome had ratified the peace and 1000 talents a year in 12 instalments over 12 years. He must pay 400 talents to Eumenes for his damages and the surplus of grain which was owing to his father. He must surrender to the consul, Hannibal the Carthaginian and Thoas the Etolian and some others who had been the first instigators of this war. Lastly he must deliver 20 hostages to ensure compliance with these conditions. When Antipater and Zeuxis had accepted these conditions, it was unanimously agreed to send ambassadors to Rome for the ratification of this. The meeting adjourned. (Polyb. Legat. 24. Diod. Sic. Legat. 9. Livy l. 37. Justin, l. 31. c. 8. Appian. p. 111, 112.)

3103. After this, the consul divided his army and sent them away to their winter quarters. Some went to Magnesia, some to Tralles and Ephesus. (Polyb. & Livy. l. 37.)

3104. The consul went to Ephesus and Anitiochus sent him 500 talents as agreed as a down payment as well as the hostages whom he was to give. (Livy l. 37.) Among them was Antiochus, the king's youngest son. (Appian. p. 112, 113.) Although Zonaras (from Dion.) states that Manlius Vulso, who succeeded Scipio, was the first who demanded him for a hostage.

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3105. M. Aurelius Cotta was sent by the consul to Rome with the king's ambassadors. Eumenes with the ambassadors from Eumenes, Rhodes, Smyrna, and almost of all the cities and states on this side of the Taurus Mountains went too. (Livy l. 37.)

3106. Manius Acilius Glabrio entered Rome in a triumph over Antiochus and the Eolians. (Livy l. 37.)

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3107. Cn. Manlius Vulso went as the consul in Asia. He was to take over the army which L. Scipio had. He brought with him 4000 foot soldiers and 200 cavalry from Rome. The Latins sent 8000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry. At almost the same time as Manlius the consul had landed in Asia, Q. Fabius Labro came as praetor to take charge of the fleet. (Livy. l. 37.) When the new consul arrived at Ephesus in the beginning of the spring, L. Scipio turned the army over to him. When he had reviewed the troops, he made a speech to incite them to prepare for a war against the Gauls or Gallograecians. (Livy l. 37.) Fabius with the fleet, set sail for Crete to liberate any Romans and other Italians who were slaves there. He returned from there to Ephesus and sent 3 ships to Thracia. He ordered Antiochus' garrisons to withdraw from Enus and Maronea and then they were restored to their original liberty. (Livy. l. 37. in fi.)

3108. About the beginning of summer, Eumenes with the ambassadors came to Rome. Cotta first told the senate and later the common people what had happened in Asia. Then Eumenes was asked to speak by the senate. He told them what he had done in their service and what his request was to them. He was very moderate in his presentation. However, the Rhodians opposed him because of their own interests and that they sought the liberty of the Greek cities and states there. After both parties were heard, the Senate decreed that all the regions on this side of the Taurus Mountains which belonged to Antiochus, should be given to Eumenes. However Lycia and Caria, as far as to the Maeander River was given to the Rhodians. The rest of the cities in Asia which had been tributaries to Attalus, should pay tribute to Eumenes. Those that were tributaries of Antiochus should be free, and pay no tribute at all. (Polyb. Legat. 25. & 36. Diod. Sic. Legat. 10. Livy l. 37. & 38. Appia. in Syriac. p. 116.)

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3109. Antipater and Zeuxis, the ambassadors of Antiochus, had a session in the senate and obtained a confirmation of peace for Antiochus upon such conditions as Scipio had given him in Asia. A while later, the people also ratified the same. Then they made a solemn league with sacrifices made with Antipater, chief of the embassy for Antiochus in the capitol to confirm the agreement. (Polyb. Legat. 25. Livy l. 37.) This league was etched in brass and solemnly hung up in the Capitol as other leagues were. A copy of it was sent to Manlius Vulso, the consul, who succeeded Scipio in Asia. (Appian. p. 113.)

3110. We read /APC 1Ma 8:7 that among other things, in this treaty it was agreed, that Antiochus himself and his successors would pay a large tribute to the Romans. He would give hostages for security and a part of his kingdom. By this agreement, Antiochus was to pay 12,000 talents over 12 years. These were Euboic talents not Attic talents as Livy seems to have misunderstood from Polybius. These were of the purest Attic silver and weighted 80 Roman pounds each. In addition he had to give 540,000 bushels of grain and 20 hostages. The hostages would be changed every 3 years. Even though he lost part of the kingdom he still controlled Comagena, Syria and Judea, as in (Excerpt. Memnon.) In addition he had all the upper provinces beyond Euphrates, as Babylonia, Assyria, Susiana, and the rest. In the lower Asia he had Cilicia, although he was forbidden to come with his ships into the ports of Cilicia west of the Calycadnus River and the cape of Sarpedon. Also he could not wage war there. (Polyb. Legat. 27. & 35. Livy l. 37, 38. Appian. p. 112, 113.)

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3111. When the senate heard from the ambassadors of Smyrna and the other states of Asia, they sent 10 commissioners, as was their ancient custom, to settle all matters in Asia and to compose all differences between the states. (Polyb. Legat. 25. Diod. Sic. Legat. 10. Livy l. 37.)

3112. When there was peace between the Romans and Antiochus, there was a riot in Rome. Cn. Manlius in Asia did what he could to stir up trouble in Asia. He tried to get his hands on Antiochus if he could, but failed. Antiochus knew the consul's real intentions. Although he was often asked to come to a talk with the consul, he kept himself aloof and would not come to him. The consul was desirous to get him and came with his army to the divide on the top almost of the Taurus Mountains. He was unable to pick any quarrel against him or his allies. Therefore the consul attacked the Gallograecians, under the pretence that they had previously helped Antiochus in his war. There was no point driving Antiochus beyond the Taurus Mountains unless these fierce and warlike people were subdued also. Because Eumenes was at that time out of the country at Rome, the consul sent for Attalus, Eumenes' brother from Pergamus to come to him. The consul had moved from Ephesus to Magnesia. When Attalus received this summons, he came to him with 1000 foot soldiers and about 200 cavalry. They went together to the Harpalu River. Atheneus, another brother of Eumenes and Attalus, came to him with Leusus of Crete and Corragus, a Macedonian. Between them they brought an additional 1000 foot soldiers from various countries and 300 cavalry. (Livy. l. 38.)

3113. Ambassadors from the state of Alabanda came to the consul. They requested help in subduing a citadel that had recently revolted from them. The consul helped them recover the citadel. The consul continued on to the city of Antioch on the Meander River. Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, came there also as he might legally do by the articles with Scipio. He came to supply grain for the Roman army. The inhabitants of Taba, a city of Cilicia, bordering upon Pisidia, attacked the army of the Romans and paid for their pains 25 talents and 10,000 bushels of wheat. The inhabitants asked for mercy. The third day later they came to the back of the Chaus River and came to attack the city Eriza. They took it on the first assault. (Livy l. 38.)

3114. Moagetes the tyrant, who had under him three cities, Cybara, Syleum and Alymne or Alnida, was a cruel and subtle man. He could barely be made to purchase his peace at the price of 130 talents and 10,000 bushels of grain. (Livy l. 38. Polyb. Legat. 30,)

3115. When the consul had crossed the Colobatus River, ambassadors came to him from Isiodenes asking for help. The men of Termessa, a city in Pisidia, had joined with the inhabitants of Philomelia and plundered their country and city. They had besieged their citadel into which all their citizens with their wives and children had fled for safety. The consul took control of the situation and marched towards Pamphylia. He raised the siege from before Isiodenes and pardoned the men of Termessa after they paid 50 talents of silver. The people of Aspendus and of Pamphylia were treated likewise. (Polyb. Legat. 32. Livy l. 38.)

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3116. The consul returned from Pamphylia to start his war against Gallogrecia or Galatia. He captured the city Cormasa and found a great deal of booty there. He left and as he proceeded on his way by the marshes of that country, ambassadors came to him from the city of Lysinoe and submitted to him. When he granted them his mercy, he came to the plain of Salagessa, in Pisidia. From there he took away a rich prey of cattle. Ambassadors came to him and presented him with a crown of gold of 50 talents in weight and with 20,000 bushels of barley and as many in wheat. Therefore he made peace with them. (Polyb. Legat. 32. Livy l. 38.)

3117. He went from there to the source of the Obryma River and camped at a place called the Aporis-town. The next day Seleucus came to him from Apamea. The consul sent away his soldiers that were sick or otherwise unserviceable to Apamea. He was supplied with guides. He found the cities abandoned everywhere by the inhabitants for fear of his coming. His army had so much spoil that they were barely able to march 5 miles a day. At that rate they came to the old Bendos and on the 3rd day after that into the country of Galatia. (Livy l. 38.)

3118. He had his camp there for a few days. In that time he sent his ambassadors to Epossognatus, who alone of all the kings of that country had remained loyal to Eumenes and had never helped Antiochus against the Romans. Thereupon, Epossognatus went to the rest of the kings of that country and asked them to submit to the Romans on fair and reasonable terms. (Livy l. 38. with Polyb. Lega. 33.) There were at that time, three kings of these Gauls, still called by their old names of Tolistobogians, Tectosagians and Trochmians. There names were, Ortiagon, Combolomarus and Gaulotus. (Livy l. 38.) Of the three Ortiagon was a man of great reputation for his bounty, prudence and martial valour. He was thought at that time to be ambitious of controlling the whole country. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 114. & Suidas in Ortiagon.)

3119. Meanwhile, ambassadors came to the consul as he camped in a village called Tyscon from Oroanda. They wanted his friendship which he finally gave to them for 200 talents of ready money. (Livy l. 38.)

3120. While the Romans besieged the citadel of the Galatians, called Cuballus, the enemy's cavalry came and attacked in a disorganized manner, some of the Roman army and killed them. The consul repelled the attack and killed some of them in their flight. He came with his army, without stopping any where on the way to the Sangarius River or Sagaris, which is a river in Galatia running through Phrygia into the Pontic Sea. (Livy l. 38.)

3121. Since the river was too deep to ford, he made a bridge and crossed the river on it. Some Balli or eunuchs of Cybele the mother of the gods sent by Attis and Battacus her priests from Pessinute and met him there with ornaments and other trinkets on them. They prophesied in a fantastic way and told him that the mother of the gods sent them to offer the Romans the victory and sovereignty of that country. The consul replied that he accepted the offer. He pitched his camp in the same place. (Livy l. 38. & Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 209.)

3122. The next day he came to Gordium. It was abandoned by the inhabitants but full of all kinds of provisions. While he was there, Epossognatus came to him and said that he had spoken with the kings of the Gauls but could not bring them to listen to reason. They with their wives and children and their main wealth were all retiring to the Mount Olympus. They planned to defend themselves and trusted in their arms and the location of the place. (Livy. l. 38. & Polyb. Legat. 33.) Those of the tribe Oroanda came soon after with more detailed news. The Tolistobogians had already taken the Mount of Olympus and the Tectosagians had taken another hill, called Magana. The Trochmians had left their wives and children with the Tectosagins and had joined forces with the Tolistobagians. (Livy l. 38.)

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3123. The camp of these Gauls that were on Mount Olympus was attacked and taken by the consul and Attalus. Claudius Quadrigarius says that they fought twice in Mount Olympus. 40,000 men were killed. However, Valerius Antias says only 10,000 were killed. There is no doubt that 40,000 were killed since they had all sorts of people, young and old, of either sex in the mount. It was more like a colony than an army to fight with an enemy. The consul burnt all their arms in one fire and had all the spoil of them brought to him. He either sold all that was to be sold or equally divided it among his soldiers. (Livy l. 38.)

3124. Yet there still remained the war with the Tectosagians. The consul therefore marched towards them and came to a place called Ancyra, which was a great city there. They camped less than 10 miles from the enemy. There Chiomaris, Ortyagon's wife, was taken prisoner. A certain centurion had ravished her and when she got her chance she cut off his head and sent it to her husband who had gone home from Olympus. (Livy. l. 38. Florus, l. 2. c. 11. & Victor. De Vir. Illustr. c. 55.) This story is more fully told by Polybius, who says that he spoke with Chiomaris herself at Sardis. He added that he wondered at the wisdom of the woman. (Plutarch, De Clar. Mulier, i.e. of famous women.)

3125. While the consul camped at Ancyra, some ambassadors from the Tectosagians came to him asking him to move his camp further from there. They wanted this done before their kings agreed to a treaty with him about a peace. They, under the pretence of a parlay, ambushed a party of the Romans. Since they outnumbered the Romans, they killed many of them. They would have done more, had not some who were abroad foraging, heard their cry and came to their rescue. (Polyb. Legat. 34, Livy. l. 38.)

3126. The Romans were enraged by this. The next day the whole army marched and came where they were. They spent two days in viewing and considering the situation of the hill where they were. On the third, the consul drew out his army and divided them into three brigades. The main force of the enemy was in the Tectosagians and Trochmians who numbered 50,000 foot soldiers plus the cavalry. They could make no use of their cavalry in that craggy ground. They joined with the foot soldiers to the number of 10,000. The Cappadocians sent from Ariarathes and others from Morzes in the left wing and added 4000 more troops. When the battle was started, the Gauls were defeated and the Romans made a huge slaughter of them. The rest fled and every man shifted for himself. In the chase, the Romans slew 8000 more of them and the rest escaped over the Halys River.

3127. The next day the consul viewed the spoil as well as the prisoners. The men were gnawing the chains they were tied to with their teeth and offered themselves to be choked by each other. The spoil was very great. This was a most greedy and rapacious nation which had had the spoil of all Asia on this side the Taurus Mountains for so many years. Later the Gauls that escaped came together naked and wounded, having lost all they had. They agreed among themselves to send to the Romans and sue for peace. The consul wanted them to follow him to Ephesus. It was past mid-autumn and he was desirous to get out of that cold air near the snowy Taurus Mountains and go to the sea side to winter his army. (Livy l. 38. with Appian. in Syriac. p. 115. & Flor. l. 7. c. 11.)

3128. At Rome, on the 1st of February, (according to their year, September 27th by ours,) L. Emilius Regillus held a triumph over Antiochus for the victory which he won at sea. (Livy l. 37.)

3129. About this time, the ten commissioners left Rome for Asia accompanied by those ambassadors and others who came from Asia. They came to Brundusium. L. and P. Scipio came from Asia to land in Italy. A few days later they entered Rome with a triumph. (Polyb. Legat. 25.) L. Scipio held a triumph over Antiochus on the last of February which was a leap year or the 16th of our November. This was almost a year after his consulship had expired. So that he might not seem inferior to his brother Africanus in any point, all men surnamed him Asiaticus. (Livy l. 38.)

3130. C. Manlius Vulso remained in Asia as a pro-consul for another year after his term as consul expired. (Livy l. 38.)

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3131. In the 4th year of the 147th Olympiad, ambassadors came to Manlius the proconsul while he was wintering at Ephesus. They came from all the cities, states and countries in Asia on this side of the Taurus Mountains to congratulate his victory over the Gauls. They presented him with crowns of gold. He entertained them all with so much respect and favour that he sent them away more glad and joyful than when they came. Ambassadors from the Gauls came to him as he had arranged to know on what conditions they might have their peace. He said that he would hear them about that matter when Eumenes came and not before. Ambassadors also came from Ariarathes king of Cappadocia, to ask his pardon and to redeem his offence with money in that he had assisted Antiochus, his father-in-law, in his war. He was fined 600 talents of silver, although Livy and Appian say only 200. Musaens also came to him from Antiochus. Manlius answered that he would meet with him at the borders of Pamphilia. He would take the 2500 talents and the grain which he was to pay according to the agreement made with L. Scipio by him. (Polyb. Legat. 35. Livy l. 38.)

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3132. At the beginning of the spring the consul reviewed his army. He and Attalus left Ephesus and on the 8th day came to Apamea. After he spent 3 days there, they left and in 3 days came with his army into Pamphylia to the place which he had appointed for his meeting with Antiochus. He stayed 3 days, and distributed wheat among his army which Antiochus had sent. The money Antiochus sent was consigned to one of the officers to be conveyed to Apamea. From there he went to Perga which was the only place in all that country which was defended by a garrison. When he was near it, the captain of the garrison came out to meet him and asked for 40 days, to ask Antiochus and to receive his answer as what to do concerning the surrender of the place to him. This was granted and on the set day, the garrison left the place. (Livy l. 38.)

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3133. About the same time near the beginning of summer, the 10 commissioners with Eumenes arrived at Ephesus. They stayed for only 2 days to settle their stomachs after the voyage. They left and came to Apamea. When the proconsul heard of their coming, he sent his brother L. Manlius with 4000 soldiers to Oroanda to demand from them the money that was in arrears. The proconsul wished for the ambassadors of Antiochus to follow him and returned with his army to Apamea. He found Eumenes there with the 10 commissioners and held a meeting with them as to what should be done. First, all agreed to ratify the peace previously made with Antiochus for its observance according as it was drawn up by the senate. (The details of the agreement are accurately given by Polybius and Livy.) Manlius the proconsul, in the presence of the king's ambassadors took a solemn oath to observe the agreement. After that he sent to Antiochus, Q. Minucius Thermus a colonel and his own brother, L. Manlius, who had just returned from Oroanda with the money which he was sent for. They were to take the same oath from Antiochus and to ratify all its conditions. (Livy l. 38. with Appian. p. 113.)

3134. The proconsul wrote his letters to Q. Fabius Labeo, who commanded the navy to come away immediately to Patara. He was to burn or destroy all the king's ships that were there. (Polyb. & Livy l. 38.)

3135. Labeo left Ephesus and came to Patara. There he burned or destroyed 50 ships of the king's. On the same journey, he recovered Thelmessus. The men there were surprised by the sudden coming of the Roman fleet. He sailed from Lycia. He sent word to Ephesus for those who were left there to follow him. He came through the middle of the islands on his way into Greece. He stayed a few days at Athens until his ships from Ephesus came. Then the whole fleet sailed for Italy. (Livy l. 38.)

3136. According to the peace treaty, the proconsul received the elephants from Antiochus which were at Apamea, according to Polybius. He gave them all to Eumenes. He then heard the disagreements between the cities and states resulting from the war and the new peace. Ariarathes king of Cappadocia had half his fine removed for Eumenes' sake, to whom he had then recently betrothed his daughter. (Livy l. 38.)

3137. At Apamea, the proconsul and the 10 commissioners heard all that came. They selected neutral places by the consent of all parties, to hear about the differences between city and city with respect to boundaries, revenue and the like. The proconsul and the commissioners for ever relieved the Colophonians who lived in Notium, the inhabitants of Cyma and Mylassa from paying tribute. The Clazomenae were freed from tribute and the Drymussa Island opposite their city was assigned to them. The Milesians were restored the place called Sacer Ager: that is, the holy country. They had abandoned it from fear of their enemies. For their zeal and readiness to help in the war, the peoples of Chios, Smyrna and Erythrae were given all the lands they wanted to have. They were given a singular recommendation for their actions. They of Phocaea had their laws and liberties fully restored to them along with all the territory which they possessed before the war began. (Polyb. Legat. 36. Livy l. 38.)

3138. They gave to Ilium, the cities and lands of Rhaetaeus and Gergithus. This was not so much for any great service which they had done but because these peoples were all related from the distant past. (Livy l. 38.)

3139. Before there where a few places, belonging to Pergamus and its jurisdiction, that is, only to the sea side near Elais and Adramyttium according to Strabo. (l. 13. p. 627.) They gave to Eumenes, Lysimachia and the Chersonese of Thracia on the European side. In Asia he received all Lycaonia, Myllus, Phrygia the greater and the less and all the countries of Lydia and Ionia. The towns which were free when the battle was fought with Antiochus were exempted. They also gave him Thralles, Ephesus and Telmessus in Lycia. Since he had previously controlled Mysia and king Prusias had captured it, this land was restored to him. They deferred the allocation of Pamphysia to the senate. Eumenes' ambassadors said it was on this side of the Taurus Mountains and the ambassadors of Antiochus said it lay beyond it. (Polyb. Legat. 35. Livy l. 37, 38.)

3140. The two Rhodian ambassadors Theaetaetus and Philophron, desired that they might have Lycia and Caria, according to a former decree of the Senate. Hipparchus and Satyrus, the ambassadors from Ilium, most earnestly asked the commissioners to consider the blood ties between them and the Lycians and to pardon the Lycians. The commissioners tried to satisfy both parties as best they could. They did not fine the Lycians as a favour to those from Ilium. However, they assigned the whole country of the Lycians to the Rhodians to satisfy their wishes too. The city of Telmessus and its forts and the country belonging to Ptolemy of Telmessus were not given to Rhodes. Caria and all beyond the Meander River was given to the Rhodians except for those places, which were free the day before the battle at Magnesia against Antiochus.

3141. The Lycians protested publicly that they would risk anything rather than be subject to Rhodes. They claimed that they were assigned by the commissioners friends and associates to them not as subjects.

3142. The commissioners according to the articles of the peace, demanded Hannibal from Antiochus. When Antiochus told Hannibal this, he fled from there and went to Gortyna in Crete. (Justin l. 32. c. 4. & Emil. Prob. in Hannib.) Yet the story is that when Antiochus was defeated by the Romans, Hannibal first fled to Artaxras in Armenia. Hannibal gave him much good counsel. He told him to build the capital city in Armenia, which was named after him and called Artaxata or Artaxiasata. (Plut. in Lucullo, Strabo, l. 11. p. 528.) Artaxias and Thariades or Zariadres were two captains in Antiochus' army. By his consent they previously ruled over all Armenia. The one man ruled over Greater Armenia and the other over the lesser. After Antiochus' defeat, they joined with the Romans and from them each obtained the title of a king in his own dominions. (Strabo Ibid. p. 531, 532.) It is most likely, that at the time when they made friends with the Romans, Hannibal escaped from there also and fled into Crete.

3143. When Antiochus had lost all of Asia, he said that he was very grateful to the Romans, for taking that troublesome area from him and confining him to a more mangeable estate. (Cic. pro Dejotaro. Valer. Maxim. l. 4. c. 1.)

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3144. When Cn. Manlius and the 10 commissioners had now settled all things, they went with the whole army toward the Hellespont and planned to settle matters in Galatia on the way. (Polyb. Legat. 36. c. 1.)

3145. They summoned those petty kings to them and gave them conditions of peace as they thought fit. The substance of it was this. They should keep peace with Eumenes and warned them to stop their warring customs and stay within their own lands. (Livy l. 38.) These lands were that part of Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Mysia, where it borders on the mount Olympus and Cappadocia. This was occupied before by them and was now called Galatia, (Zonar ea Dione.) We read /APC 1Ma 8:2 that the Romans imposed a tribute on them. When the Romans had chastised the Galatians for their insolence towards them, they assumed the entire sovereignty of Asia on this side of the Taurus Mountains. They made the mountains the eastern boundary empire for that time. They spared the inhabitants there from that terror which they were formerly in from those fierce and barbarous Gauls. (Polyb. l. 3. p. 159. with Manlius his Oration, in Livy l. 38.)

3146. Manlius gathered all the ships which he could get in all that coast. Eumenes with his ships came to him. He used them to cross into Europe with his army. (Livy l. 38.)

3147. Antiochus marched with his army into his upper provinces (or as Jerome on Da 11 speaks, going to the remotest cities of his dominions.) He proclaimed his son Seleucus Philopator to be his successor. /APC 2Ma 9:23

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3148. Whether Antiochus felt over burdened with the heavy tribute imposed by the Romans or was just greedy and used the Roman tribute as an excuse, he committed sacrilege on his gods. He heard that the temple of Jupiter Belus in Elimaiis had large quantities of silver, gold and other precious jewels that were offered there. He planned to seize it all. He came into Elemaiis and pretended that the inhabitants of that place had revolted from him. At night, his army raided the temple and took an enormous amount of wealth from there. When the people heard of this, the peasants of the country came in and attacked his army and slew both him and them. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 292, 298. Strabo, l. 16. p. 744. Justin, l. 32. c. 2.) Jerome on Da 11 says that he was slain in a fight against the inhabitants of Elemaiis. However, Arel. Victor. (de Vir. Illustr.) tells us, that he was slain by his drinking companions. Some of these he had beaten in a drunken fit and misused at a feast. Zonaras notes correctly from Dion, that this happened in the year when C. Flaminius and Emilius Lepidus were consuls of Rome.

3149. After his death Seleucus, surnamed Philopator, or as Josephus, (l. 12. c. 4.) Soter (which was indeed the surname of his son Demetrius) succeeded him in the kingdom. He reigned 12 years and was a lazy man and not powerful because of his father's great defeat by the Romans. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 131. with Porphy. Euseb. & Severns, Sulpitius.) When he assumed the kingdom, he had a son called Demetrius whose surname was Soter. According to Polybius (Legat. 107.) he was 23 years old when his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes, died. It is this Seleucus who is referred to in /APC 2Ma 3:1-3.

``When the Holy City lived in all peace, its laws were excellently well executed by reason of the piety of Onias the high priest. He was an utter enemy to all ungodliness. It came to pass that even kings themselves honoured this place and adorned the temple with many rich offerings. Seleucus himself, king of Asia, furnished all the cost out of his own coffers for the public ministry of the sacrifices.''

3150. When Philopoemen was praetor or chief magistrate of the Achaeans, Demetrius of Athens came as an ambassador of Ptolemy from Alexandria to renew his league with the Achaeans. They were very glad for this and sent to him their ambassadors, Lycortas, father to Polybius the historian, Theodoridas and Rhositeles of Sicyone. They were to take their oath to the king and also to receive his oath to them. (Polyb. Legat. 37.)

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3151. Cn. Manlius Vulso, contrary to the votes of the 10 commissioners, held a triumph in Rome over the Gauls in Asia, on the 5th day of March. (Livy l. 38. & 39.) Hannibal, having nothing else to do, wrote a book in Greek about the consul's deeds in Asia. He learned Greek from Sosilus, a Lacedemonian at Ilium who wrote the deeds of Hannibal in 7 volumes, according to Diod. Sic. ( l. 26. Eclog.)

3152. When Aristaenus was praetor or chief magistrate in Achaia, the ambassadors returned home who were sent from there to king Ptolemy. The general assembly of that country met at Megalopolis. Before it Lycortas declared that according to their commission they had taken their oath to the king and received his oath to them. He added that they had brought a present from the king to the people of Achaia. They received enough brass arms to furnish 6000 targateers and 200 talents of brass in ready coin. (Polyb. Legat. 41.)

3153. Eumenes also sent his ambassadors to that meeting, to renew the league with them which had formerly been between them and his father. He promised to give them 120 talents to loan at interest, so that its income would help defray the cost of those who periodically came to their assemblies. They were all tempted by his generousity, but declined it. (Polyb. Legat. 41. & Diod. Sic. Legat. 13.)

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3154. Eumenes' ambassadors came to Rome, to request the ownership of the cities of Thracia, Enus and Maronaea which they claimed belonged to Eumenes which the Romans had given to him. They complained that Philippus, King of Macedonia had seized them by force and put garrisons in them. He had taken from there some inhabitants and settled them in Macedonia. To settle the matter, the senate sent Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. Baebius and Tib. Sempronius as a commission to Thessalonica to hear both sides of the dispute. (Polyb. Legat. 40, 42, Livy l. 39.)

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3155. When they returned to Rome, the ambassadors on either side said there was nothing but what they had already said before the commissioners at Thessalonica. The senate decreed a second commission, under Ap. Claudius, with instructions to expel all garrisons from Enus and Maronaea and to take all the sea coast of Thracia from the jurisdiction of Philippus and his Macedonians. (Polyb. Legat. 43, 44. & Livy l. 39.)

3156. At the same time, Arcus and Alcibiades, the two head men of Sparta came to Rome. In the senate they complained bitterly about Achaeans. Thereupon the senate thought fit to refer that cause to the same commissioners. (Polyb. Legat. 42. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)

3157. Lycortas of Megalopolis, Polybius' father, the praetor of Achaia, called an assembly of the country. At it, Arcus and Alcibiades, who went to complain of them at Rome, were condemned to die for that act. (Livy l. 39. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)

3158. A while after, the Roman ambassadors came into Achaia and the common council of Achaia met before them at Clitore in Arcadia. (Livy l. 39. Polyb. Legat. 43.) Their coming did not please the Achaeans especially when they saw Arcus and Alcibiades (whom they in a recent assembly had condemned to death) come with the ambassadors. Lycortas, like a magistrate, pleaded and upheld the cause of the Achaeans very boldly. However, the commissioners did not pay much attention to what he said and declared publicly and with joint consent that Arcus and Alcibiades were honest men. They had done the Achaeans no wrong at all and prevailed so far as to have the sentence against them reversed. (Livy l. 39. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)

3159. When Hannibal had lived a long time very quietly at Gortyna in Crete, many envied him because of his great wealth. He filled some large chests with lead and deposited them in the temple of Diana as a treasure for safe keeping. (??) Thereupon the people, having such a pledge as that from him, were less envious of him. In the meantime he stole away to Prusias, surnamed, as I said before, the Hunter, king of Bithynia. He melted his gold into hollow statues of brass which he carried away with him. (Justin, l. 32. c. 4. & Emil. Probus, in Hannibal.)

3160. A little later Prusias broke his league with Eumenes, king of Pergamus now that he had Hannibal to manage his war for him. (Justin, l. 32. c. 4.) There was a fierce war between them on both land and sea. However, Eumenes with the help of the Romans, over-powered him. Since Prusias was poor and weak, Hannibal procured for him the help of some other kings and states and those from very warlike countries. (Emil. Prob.) Among them, he got the help of Philippus, king of Macedonia, who sent him Philocles his general with a large army to help him. (Polyb. Legat. 46.)

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3161. In the 149th Olympiad when M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Fabius Labeo, first entered into their consulship, an embassy from Eumenes carried by Athenaeus his youngest brother came to Rome. He brought with him a crown of gold of 15,000 talents. He complained that Philippus had not withdrawn his garrisons from Thracia and that he sent help to Prusias, king of Bithynia, who had wilfully broken his league and made war on Eumenes. (Polyb. Legat. 46. Livy l. 39.) With the other ambassadors from Lacedemon, Arcus and Alcibiades came to the senate. (Polyb. Legat. 46.)

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3162. After Prusias was defeated by Eumenes on land, he tried to defeat him at sea but was too weak for Eumenes. Hannibal advised him to try to accomplish by craft what he could not do through plain force. Therefore, he put a number of all sorts of snakes into earthen vessels. In the middle of the fight these were to be hurled aboard the enemy's ships. He ordered his soldiers and sea-men, to attack only the ship that Eumenes was in and defend themselves from the rest as well as they could using these snakes. So that they would most certainly know what ship Eumenes was in, Prusias sent beforehand a letter to him by a herald. It was full of contempt and abuses against Eumenes. Therefore, when the battle was started, Prusias' men fought only against the ship which Eumenes was in. Thereupon he was forced to flee. He would have died had he not landed on a shore where he had placed beforehand a company of troops for such emergencies. When Eumenes' other ships pressed close to the enemy, they threw their earthen pitchers full of snakes at them. These landed on the decks and broke releasing the snakes. At first this seemed ridiculous to them. When they could not move anywhere in the ship for the snakes and found themselves as bothered by their bites as with the arrows of their enemy, they abandoned the fight, and fled to their sea camp on the shore. (Justin l. 32. c. 4. Emil. Prob. in Hannibal.)

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3163. Hannibal's tricks defeated Eumenes in that battle. In various other engagements Hannibal used various tricks to overcome Eumenes. Once when he advised Prusias to fight he would not because he said the entrails of the beasts forbid him to. Hannibal replied:

``What, will you rely more on a little piece of flesh in a calf than on the judgment of an old experienced captain in the field?'' (Cic. De Divinae. l. 2. Plut. in his Treatise, De Exile, Valer Max. l. 3. c. 7.)

3164. Now when news of these doings came to Rome, ambassadors were sent immediately by the senate,to make a peace between the two kings and to demand Hannibal from Prusias. Polybius (Legat. 47.) tells us that Ti. Qu. Flaminius was sent ambassador at that time to both Prusias and also to Seleucus, king of Syria. Livy (l. 39. from Galerius Antias) says that Lu. Scipio Asiaticus and P. Scipio Nasica were sent as a commission with him to Prusias.

3165. Agesipolis, who before his legal age of maturity was king of Sparta, was sent with others to Rome from those who were banished from Lacedemon. On the way he was killed by pirates. (Polyb. Legat. 49.) Agesipolis was the son of Cleomenes the king of Sparta, who was slain in Alexandria. (See note on 3784 AM) He was legally taken for their king by the Ephori but was turned out again by those usurping tyrants who took over that state. They were Lycurgus, Machanidas and Nabis. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 304) Now that the lawful king was dead, Arcus, (of whom I spoke before from Polybius, Livy and Pausanias) was a most earnest and strong defender of his country's liberty against the Achaeans now that their power was now controlled by the Romans. He seems to have acquired the title of a king among them. Both writer (Josephus Antiq. l. 12. c. 4 & Euseb. in Chron.) state that Arcus the king of Lacedemon sent an embassy with his letters to Onias the 3rd., the son of Onias, the high priest at Jerusalem. These letters are preserved in Josephus. (Josephus Antiq. l. 12. c. 5. /APC 1Ma 12:1-23) This book was translated from the Hebrew, (for that book was originally written in Hebrew, as Jerome shows) and retains everywhere the brevity and Hebrewisms of it. In these letters, mention is made of the blood relationship between the Jews and Lacedemonians. This seems to have been taken from the mythological writings of the Greeks. An example of Claudius Iolaus in Stephanus Byzantinus in the word "Judea". That name of the Jews came from Judeus Sportones, a fellow soldier of Bacchus in his wars. Although Pausanias in his Corinthiaca, (p. 58.) assures us that the names of Sportones was completely unknown to the Spartan or Lacedemonians of his time.

3166. Eumenes started to make war with Prusias king of Bithynia and Ortyagon, one of the kings of the Gauls. (Prolog. Trogi, l. 32. with Polyb. l. 3. l. 159.)

3167. I think the death of Hannibal, happened in the consulship of L. Emilius Paulus and Cn. Baelius Pamphilus, for Polybius and Valerius Max. state that. It was not in the year before as Atticus and Livy, who copied him, state. Nor was it in the following year as Sulpitius and in Emil. Probus, (in Hannibal.) write. Livy describes how he died. (Livy l. 39. in Justin l. 32. c. 4. in Plut. in the Life of I. Q. Flaminius to Dion. Quoted by Zonaras, in Emil. Brob. in Hannibal, and in Appianus in his Syriaca, p. 91.)

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3168. Hannibal stayed in a little citadel Prusias had given him. He made 7 doors which did not look like doors from the outside. If anyone came to attack the place, they would not place any guards there because they appeared not to be doors. Therefore when he heard that the king's soldiers were in the porch to break in on him, he went to get out at one of those blind back doors. When he found that contrary to his expectation, men were there to take him and the place was totally surrounded, he poisoned himself with the poison he always carried with him. He died at the age of 70 years. Concerning his death it is said that there was this oracle long before uttered.

``The land of Lybia, Hannibal's corpse shall cover.''

3169. The word Lybia or Lybyssa, he always understood of Lybia in Africa. However, it was a little village in Bithynia near the seaside also by the same name. Pliny says: (l. 5. c. 22.)

``There was in those parts, a little town called Lybyssa, where is now nothing worth seeing, but only Hannibal's tomb.''

3170. Pharnaces king of Pontus suddenly attacked the city of Synope and captured it. It remained the possession of his and his successors from that time on. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 545, 546.)

3171. In the second year of the 149th Olympiad ambassadors came to Rome from the two kings, Eumenes and Pharnaces who were at war with each other. Ambassadors came from Rhodes and complained of the injustice done to them at Synope, by Pharnaces. Thereupon Marius and others in commission with him were sent as ambassadors to examine the case of Synope and to compose all differences between the two kings. (Polyb. Legat. 52, 53. & Livy l. 40.)

3172. Hyrcanus (the son of Josephus, and nephew of Tobias) was sent to Seleucus to gather his tributes on the east side of the Jordan River. He built a good and most fortified citadel all of white marble which he called Tyros. It was located in the regions of Arabia and Judea on the other side Jordan not far from the land of Heshbon. He was governor of all that region during the last 7 years of Seleucus' reign. All that time there was a constant war with the Arabians and he made large slaughters of them, besides taking many prisoners and slaves. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 4, 5.)

3173. Marcius and his commissioners returned to the senate after they investigated the situation between Eumenes and Pharnaces. They reported to the senate what they found. They said that Eumenes was fair and temperate in all his ways. However, Pharnaces was very greedy and hot tempered. (Polyb. Legat. 53.) They said he was the most violent and dangerous king they ever saw. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 130.)

3823 AM, 4533 JP, 181 BC

3174. Ariarathes king of Cappadocia joined in with Eumenes of Pergamus to make war on Pharnaces, king of Pontus. All three at the same time sent their ambassadors to Rome. When the senate had heard them all, they said that they would send commissioners once more into those parts with power to hear and determine all matters between them. (Id. id. with l. 3. p. 159. Livy l. 40.)

3175. Pharnaces scorned the Romans and sent Leocritus in the middle of winter with an army of 10,000 men, to harass and ravage all the country of Galatia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

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3176. The next spring, Pharnaces in person, mustered all his forces as if he would have attacked Cappadocia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3177. Eumenes was grieved to see him transgress all bounds of law and honesty as he did. He and his brother Attalus who had recently returned from Rome, marched into Galatia against Leocritus. They did not find him there. When Carsignatus (or rather Epossognatus, as Fulvius Ursinus thinks it should be) and Gazotarius sent their ambassadors to desire them not to harm them for they were ready to do whatever they were told to do. Eumenes rejected them as men who had previously falsified and broken their faith and word to him. They went on against Pharnaces. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3178. At the end of the 5 day march, Eumenes with his brother came from Calpito or Calpia, a city of Bithynia to the Halys River. On the 6th day they came to Amisus, a city in Cappadocia. Here Ariarathes the king of that country, had joined his army with theirs. They all came into the plain of Amisus and they pitched camp. They were barely settled when news came that the commissioners came from Rome to make a peace between them. Thereupon Eumenes sent away his brother Attalus to welcome them into those parts. In the meantime he doubled his army and put them all into the best shape he could. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3179. The commissioners arrived and asked both parties to be at peace. Eumenes and Ariarathes replied with all their hearts they wanted peace and to do whatever else they would be pleased to ask. When the commissioners asked that during the treaty they would withdraw their forces from the enemy's country, Eumenes readily assented and the next morning ordered his forces back into Galatia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3180. The commissioners then talked with Pharnaces and could not get him to come to any conference if Eumenes would be there. After much adieu, they persuaded him to send his ambassadors to some place by the sea side with full power there to make an agreement and that he would abide by the agreement. When his ambassadors came to the appointed place the conference began. Eumenes was ready to yield to any conditions but the ambassadors of Pharnaces behaved in such a way that the commissioners easily knew that Pharnaces had no intention of coming to any agreement. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3181. So the conference broke off and no peace was made between them. When the commissioners left Pergamus and Pharnaces' ambassadors departed, the war went on between them as before. Eumenes started to prepare all things necessary for it on his part. However, at the earnest insistance of the Rhodians, who desired his help against the Lycians, he let Pharnaces alone for that time and went to help them. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3182. Leocritus, the general of Pharnaces' Forces, besieged Pius (or rather Teios) a town in Pontus. He forced the garrison which consisted of all mercenary soldiers, to surrender the town to him on the condition that they were granted safe conduct. Later Leocritus received an order from Pharnaces to kill them all because they had previously offended him. He pursued them on the way and killed them all. (Diod. Sec. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 302.)

3183. When Seleucus had assembled a reasonably sized army, he went to help Pharnaces. He was ready to cross the Taurus Mountains and then remembered that he was breaking the peace agreement with the Romans. He followed good advice, stopped the expedition and returned home again. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)

3824 AM, 4534 JP, 180 BC

3184. After this, Pharnaces entered an agreement with Attalus and the rest. They entered into a solemn league between them. Eumenes at that time was sick at Pergamus but was now well. When all was ratified that Attalus had done, he returned to Eumenes. He then sent him and the rest of his brothers to Rome. Everyone who knew what service they had done for the Romans in the wars in Asia, welcomed them heartily. The senate provided lodgings and a generous allowance for them at the public expense. Attalus complained to the senate of the wrongs that Pharnaces had done to them. He desired them to chastise him according to the severity of his offence. They answered him graciously and promised to send commissioners there, who would make a final accord between them. (Polyb. Legat. 56. Diod. Legat. 14.)

3185. Ptolemy Epiphanes desired a closer alliance with the Achaeans. He sent his ambassadors to them and promised them 10 ships, each of 50 oars a piece fully outfitted. The Achaeans considered that the offer was too good to be refused, as it amounted to the value of almost 10 talents. They willingly accepted it. They sent him their ambassadors, Lycortas with his son Polybius, (that is, the historian) even though he was legally too young to be an ambassador. They sent with them, Aratus, the son of Aratus the Sicyonian, with instructions both to thank the king for the arms and money, which he had previously sent them through Lycortas. They were to receive from him the 10 promised ships and to bring them into Peloponese. However, the embassy never went further than Achaia because they received news that Ptolemy had died. (Diod. Legat. 57.)

3186. When Ptolemy laid a trap to take Seleucus in, he sent on foot an army to go against him. One of his captains asked him, where he would get money to go through with what he planned to do. He replied:

``His friends were his treasure:''

3187. This saying spread quickly and his friends and captains in the army heard it. They thought it meant that he planned to enrich himself by impoverishing them. So they poisoned him. (Jerome on Da 11) Ptolemy Epiphanes, in Priscian the grammarian, is said by Cato to have been a most excellent and bountiful king. The truth is that for a long time, he carried himself very nobly and well. Later he was influenced by some followers of the court. He had Aristomenes whom he had formerly honoured as a father, to drink hemlock which killed him. He did more acts of violence and cruelty and ruled his people more like a tyrant than a king. By these actions, he was so hated and despised by his subjects that they were ready to depose him. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 294, 297.)

3188. At his death, he left two sons who were not of legal age. The oldest was called, Philometor, the younger, Physcon, (Josephus, l. 12. c. 5.) Ptolemaeus Philometor (whom Epiphanius incorrectly calls him Philopator) reigned after his father, 35 years. (Clan. Ptolemaus, in Can. Reg. Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius,) Others tell us the same less three months only.

3825 AM, 4535 JP, 179 BC

3189. Pharnaces found himself out powered by this unexpected and violent coming on of the enemy. He sent his ambassadors to Eumenes and Ariarathes and sued for peace. So this war between Eumenes and Ariarathes on the one side and Pharnaces and Mithridates the king of Armenia on the other concluded on these conditions. Pharnaces would not enter Galatia. He would break off all former agreements and leagues made with the Galatians. He would likewise leave Paphlagonia. The inhabitants he deported from there, he would now return home again with their arms. He would restore to Ariarathes, all the places which he had taken from him along with any hostages he had received from him. He would restore all the prisoners which he had taken without a ransom. He would turn over those who had left their king and defected to him. He would restore to Morzias and Ariarathes the 900 talents which he had taken from them and 300 more to Eumenes for his war expenses. Mithridates the king of Armenia would pay 300 talents for making war on Ariarathes which broke the league which he had made with Eumenes. This league, included all the important men of Asia and Artaxias, a petty king of the greater part of all Armenia and Acusilochus. On the European side, Gatalus of Sarmatia, and the free states of Heraclea, Mesembrya, Chersonesus, and Cyzicum were part of this league. As soon as the hostages came from Pharnaces, the armies broke up and every man went to his own home. (Polyb. Legat. 59.)

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3826 AM, 4536 JP, 178 BC

3190. Teius was a town in Pontus which Prusias was to restore to Eumenes according to the league. Eumenes freely gave it back to him again and Prusias thanked him for that. (Polyb. Legat. 59.)

3191. After the death of Philippus, king of Macedonia, his son Persius, or Perseus succeeded him in the year when Q. Fulvius and L. Manlius, were consuls at Rome. He reigned 11 years (Livy l. 45.) or rather 10 years, 11 months as Porphyry more exactly says. (Scal. in Grac. Euseb. p. 229.)

3192. This begins the third period of Calippus.

3193. The Lycians sent their ambassadors to Rome to complain of the cruelty of the Rhodians. They were made subject to them by L. Carnelius Scipio. He said that the bondage which they endured under Antiochus in comparison to this was an excellent kind of liberty and freedom. They said there was now no difference between them and the very slaves whom they bought in the market. The senate was moved with this piteous complaint and gave them their letters to carry to the Rhodians. They had the Rhodians remember that the Romans put the Lycians under their rule and protection. However, they were still to be free states under the sovereignty of the people of Rome. (Livy l. 41.)

3827 AM, 4537 JP, 177 BC

3194. Prusias married the sister of Perseus and Perseus the daughter of Seleucus called Laodice. The Rhodians with their fleet received and conveyed her into Macedonia to her husband. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 60. Appia. Legat. 25.)

3195. The Rhodians persisted in their ways and now made an open war on the poor Lycians. The men of Xanthus sent their embassies for help to the Achaeans and to the people of Rome. Nicostratus headed up the embassy. (Polyb. Legat. 60.)

3196. The Lycians were already subdued by the Rhodians before their ambassadors could get an hearing with the senate of Rome. It was not until Tiberius and Claudius the consuls of that year had gone out against the Istrians and Agrians, that they saw the senate. When they were admitted, they plainly showed them the cruelty and oppression of the Rhodians against the poor Lycians that they prevailed with the senate to send ambassadors to Rhodes. They were to let them know, that when the senate had perused the acts and records which the 10 commissioners drew up in Asia, they found this. The Lycians, were by the Romans consigned to the Rhodians not as a gift to do with as they liked but to use them as friends and associates. This message was liked by the common sort in Rome who were offended with the Rhodians for their officiousness in bringing home Perseus' wife to him. They would have been content, to have seen the Rhodians and the Lycians fight it out so that the Rhodians might have some opporuniuty to spend their treasure and provisions which they had so much of. (??) (Polyb. Legat. 60.)

3828 AM, 4538 JP, 176 BC

3197. When the Roman commissioners came to Rhodes, the inhabitants were in an uproar. They said that since all things were now well settled in Lycia, why did they want to give an opportunity for more trouble there? When the Lycians heard what declaration the senate had made on their behalf, they began to revolt and protest publicly that they would endure anything to recover their just rights and liberty again. The Rhodians thought that the senate had been misinformed and abused by some false accusations from the Lycians. They sent Lycophron their ambassador, to Rome. When the senate had heard his errand they gave him an immediate answer. (Polyb. Legat. 61, 62.)

3198. Simon was a man of the tribe of Benjamin, and the head keeper of the temple. He had a disagreement with Onias the 3rd. the high priest. When he could not get his way, he went to Apollonius the governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. He told him, that there was am enormous amount of money in the treasury of the temple which the priests made no use of. Therefore it would be better in the king's coffers. When Apollimus told Seleucus this, he sent away his treasurer Heliodorus to Jerusalem to get the money from there. When he came, Onias the high priest told him, that it was true that there was some money in the temple, but that was the money of widows and orphans, who deposited it there for safe keeping. Some of the money belonged to Hyrcanus, the nephew of Tobias. (See note on 3812 AM.) and was a most honourable person. All that was there amounted to less than 400 talents of silver and 200 of gold. Such was the holiness of the place and of the thing itself that no man should take the money. When Heliodorus disregarded the words of Onias and the tumult of the people who lamented the profaning of their temple, he was struck down by the angel of God in the very place. He was carried to his lodging half dead by his own servants that were around him. After he was restored to his health by the intercession and prayers to God made by Onias the high priest, he returned to Seleucus. He magnified the holiness of the temple and the power of God that dwelt there. This story is recorded in /APC 2Ma 3 and by Josephus in his book, psqi awtohratoroslogotnou. Josephus writes Apollonius for Heliodotus (Likewise do the Fasti Siculi.) This shows that this event happened a little before the death of Seleucus. By the articles between Antiochus and the Romans, Antiochus was to change his hostages and send new ones instead of the old at the end of every three years. To replace Antiochus Epiphanes, the younger son of the former Antiochus who was then a hostage at Rome, /APC 1Ma 1:10 Seleucus sent his son Demetrius. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 116.)

3199. Simon the Benjamite, that traitor of his country and the one who told of the money deposited in the temple, accused Onias the high priest. Onias was a man who was well respected by the city and country of the Jews. Simon said Onias had incited Heliodorus against the Jews and plotted all the evil against him and the king. When matters went so far that many murders were committed by Simon and his faction in the city, Apollonius grew very angry and backed him up in what he did. Onias went to Seleucus. /APC 2Ma 4:1-6. The writer of Jason of Cyrenia seems to say, that Seleucus was dead before he came. Although Eusebius in his Chron. says, that he found him alive and had Simon banished by the king.

3200. So I have I brought this chronicle of Asia and Egypt to the beginning of the time of Antiochus Epiphanes and the history of the Maccabees. I shall continue it until the time of the utter destruction of Jerusalem under the Emperor Vespasian. This together with the Annals of the New Testament and a brief history of the church during that time until the beginning of the fourth century after Christ, I plan to make after this, if God grant me life and health.

Glory be to God on High.

FINIS

[Soldier4Christ]

The Latter Part
of
THE ANNALS
of
JAMES USSHER,
Archbishop of Armagh:
Containing besides that of the
MACCHABEES
AND
NEW TESTAMENT
The History of all the remarkable Occurrences transacted during the
ROMAN EMPIRE
 which began under C. Julius, and Octavian:
With the most considerable Passages in all Asia and Egypt:
CONTINUED
From the beginning of the Reign of Antiochus Epiphanes,
to the beginning of the Empire of Vespasian, and the utter
Destruction and Abolition
of the Temple and Commonwealth of the Jews.

LONDON,
Printed by E. Tyler, for F. Crook,
and G. Bedell, 1658.
THE EPISTLE TO THE READER

3201. You have here the other volume of my annals, which you will find more fully the history of Rhodes and the isles between Asia and Europe. For although formerly, to make the work more manageable, I resolved to associate them with Greece. Yet considering, that in the division of the Eastern Empire, the province of the isles is attributed to the Asian part, I also thought good later to place them with Asia. Those things which I produce concerning this history, you have on the authority of the authors who relate them. I have left the judgment of such things to those learned men, who make it their business to deal with them. In the citing of Cornelius Tacitus, I have observed the edition of Bereggerus and Freinshemius since it is divided into chapters. Concerning the history of the apostolic times, it does not seem adequate. I shall (if God Almighty affords me life and strength to finish that work) give you an account in my Sacred Chronology.

James Ussher

[Soldier4Christ]

A CHRONICLE
OF
The Asiatic and Egyptian Affairs, carried on from the
beginning of the times of the MACCHABEES,
until the Destruction of the Jewish Commonwealth under Vespasian.

3829 AM, 4539 JP, 175 BC

3202. Antiochus, son of Antiochus the Great, returned from Rome (where he was held hostage) and came to Athens. His brother Seleucus, by the treachery of Heliodorus was murdered. However, Eumenes and Attalus expelled Heliodorus, who planned to take over the kingdom of Syria. They gave Antiochus that kingdom. They hoped by this good turn, they might oblige him to be their friend. They began to grow jealous of the Romans through some small injustice they received. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 116, 117.)

3203. Demetrius, son of Seleucus, to whom the kingdom rightly belonged, was 10 years old and was held hostage at Rome at this time. Apollonius was raised with him and was a good friend of Seleucus. After the death of Seleucus, he left the court to Miletum. (Polyb. Legat. 114.) The Syrians called their new king Antiochus, "Epiphanes", or "Illustrious", because when strangers tried to take over the kingdom, he appeared bravely to his people in vindication of his ancestor's title. (Appia. in Syriac. p. 177.) Polybius thought he should be more correctly called "Epimanes" or "the frantic" because of his wild behaviour. (apud Atheneum l. 2. c. 2. l. 5. c. 4. & l. 10 c. 12.)

3204. When he became king of Syria, he behaved most unusually for a king. First he secretly left his royal palace and his servants knew nothing about it. He unadvisedly wandered about the city with only one or two companions with him. Moreover, he was pleased to talk and drink with the common people and with aliens and strangers of the lowest estate. If he heard of any young men that had a merry party, he came with his wine and music to the revels. This so startled those there at the strangeness of the action, that they either fled when he came or from fear sat still in silence. Lastly, he set aside his royal garment and put on a coat like the ones worn by the officials of Rome. He greeted every ordinary man that he met with and sometimes asked for a position of the edile or to be a tribune of the people. At last, by the will of the people, he obtained the place of a magistrate. According to the Roman custom, he sat in his ivory chair and gave judgment. He settled the law suits and disputes of the citizens with that industry and diligence that everyone who was wise, doubted his actions. Some think he was indiscrete, some imprudent and others mad. (Diod. Sic. in Excertp. Vales. p. 305, 306.) Atheneus also says the same things.(in the previously cited l. 5 c. 14. & l. 10. c. 12. from Polybius' histories, l. 26.) Livy also translated this into his 41st book, as one may see in that fragment, which Charles Sigonius falsely attributes to of Perseus.

3205. Antiochus began his reign in the 137th. and died in the 149th year of the kingdom of the Greeks (or of the Macedonians, from the time of Seleucus.) /APC 1Ma 1:10 6:16 Johannes Malela Antiochenus, in his Chronicle says he ruled 12 years but Porphyrie, Eusebius, Jerome, Sulpitius Severus and others say only 11. To reconcile this we must say that at the end of the 137th year Antiochus began to rule and at the beginning of the 149th year (from the spring of the season, as this author uses to reckon) he ended his reign, (viz.) 11 years plus a few months.

3206. Antiochus was not at the first acknowledged king by those that favoured Ptolemy Philometor. Some time later he obtained the title under the pretence of clemency, as Jerome states in his commentary upon the 11th chapter of Daniel. He made an alliance with Eumenes and powerfully ruled over Syria and the neighbouring nations. The government of Babylon was committed to Timarchus but the custody of the treasury to Heraclidas' brother. The two brethren were united together by immoral commerce. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 117.)

3207. Hyrcanus, the son of Joseph, and grandchild of Tobias saw Antiochus become very strong. He feared least he come under his kingdom and would be punished for what he had done against the Arabians. He killed himself and Antiochus seized his whole estate. (Josephus, l. 12. c. 4.)

3208. Jason, son of Simon the 2nd, high priest, was weary of the high priesthood of Onias the 3rd, his brother. So that he might obtain the priesthood himself, he promised Antiochus 360 talents of silver and 80 talents from other sources. Moreover he added 150 more talents if he was given authority to set up a gymnasium to train the youth at Jerusalem and subdue those of Jerusalem into the same conditions of the citizens of Antioch. The covetous king readily agreed to these conditions. Jason removed his brother Onias and became the high priest. When he had taken over the government, he began to treat his own country men like Greeks and he eliminated the royal privileges granted of special favour to the Jews obtained through John the father of Eupolemus who later went to be an ambassador to Rome. He put down the governments which were according to law and he brought in new customs which were contrary to the law. /APC 2Ma 4:7-11 Josephus affirms this that Onias the 3rd who died about the time was removed and replaced by his brother Jesus who wished to be called Jason. After 3 years, Jason was removed from the high priesthood, by the actions of Menelaus, the new high priest and Tobais' sons (or grandchildren of Hyrcanus' brother.) The Greek customs were introduced. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 5.) However, the same writer, in his small treatise of the Maccabees, states the matters differently and close enough to the Maccabian account (except for the error in the annual tribute):

``Antiochus removed Onias from the high priesthood and substituted Jason his brother. He promised to pay him yearly 3660 talents. When he became priest and leader of the people, he subdued the nation and abandoned their ancient manners and institutions and led them into all iniquity. He established a gymnasium in the fortress of our country and abolished the care of the temple.''

3830 AM, 4540 JP, 174 BC

3209. In the 7th year of Philometor, 574th year of Nabonasser and the 27th Phamenoth according to the Egyptians, (May 1st) the moon was eclipsed 2 hours after midnight at Alexandria. (Ptol. l. 6. c. 5.)

3210. The Greeks made a 6 month truce in their hostilities. Later a more serious war started. However, when Q. Minutius the legate came with 10 ships from the Romans to settle their disputes, they again hoped for peace. (Livy, l. 41.)

3211. About the same time, Eumenes incited the Lycians to revolt from the Rhodians. Eumenes' garrisons attacked certain citadels and lands located in the utmost bounds of the opposite continent of the Rhodians. (Polyb. Legat. 61. & 67. Livy l. 41, 42.)

3212. Certain apostate Jews who agreed with Onias the false high priest, procured the authority from king Antiochus of living according to the ordinances of the Gentiles and erected a gymnasium beneath the very tower of Sion. They forced the main young men to submit to the laws of the school, by wearing an hat and by concealing their circumcision. When they were fighting naked they would still look like Greeks. So popular were the Greek fashions and the increase of heathen customs, that the priests had no courage to serve any more at the altar. They despised the temple and neglected the sacrifices. They eagerly became involved in the games. /APC 1Ma 1:11,15 2Ma 4:12,15 cf. (Josephus, l. 12. c. 6.)

3213. When Antiochus attended the games that were held every 5th year at Tyre, the impious Jason sent special messengers there from Jerusalem who were inhabitants of the city of Antioch, to carry 300 or (as it is much more correctly in the manuscript book of the Earl of Arundel's library ) 3300 drachmes of silver to the sacrifice of Hercules. However, the bearers of the money used it to build ships. /APC 2Ma 4:18-20

3831 AM, 4541 JP, 173 BC

3214. The ambassadors sent from king Antiochus came to Rome. The head of the delegation was Apollonius whom the Roman ambassadors who were in Syria said was highly regarded by the king and most friendly to the Roman people. When they came into the senate, the brought the tribute due from the king. They excused the late payment of it. They also brought as a gift vessels of gold weighing 500 pounds. Apollonius added:

``The king requested that the society and friendship which was with his father, should be renewed with himself. The Roman people should lay such injunctions on him as were to be imposed on a faithful and confederate king. He would in no wise be lacking in any service to them. He noted that the attitudes of the senate were so great toward him while he was at Rome and such the civility of the youth that he was treated by all as a king and not as an hostage.''

3215. The ambassadors received a kind answer and A. Attilius, mayor of the city, was asked to renew with Antiochus that league which was with his father. The treasurers of the city received the money, the censers and the golden vessels. It was committed to their charge to distribute to such temples as should be thought fitting. The ambassador was sent a reward of an 100,000 pieces of coin. His lodging was given to him gratis and his expenses paid while he stayed in Italy. (Livy l. 42.)

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3216. Antiochus had a son, Antiochus Eupator born to him. He died at the age of 9 years. (Appian. Syriac. p. 117. & 131.)

3217. Cleopatra, the beloved mother of Ptolemy Philometor, the daughter of Antiochus the Great and the sister of Antiochus Epiphanes died. She had received from her father as a dowry, Coelosyria, (or at least a great part of it.) Eulaius the Eunuch, foster-father of Philometor and Lomus was governing Egypt. He demanded Coelosyria from Antiochus Epiphanes since he claimed it was fraudulently seized. This was the basis of the war between the uncle and the youth, as Porphyrie relates from the Alexandrian Histories of Callinicus Sutorius, (in Jerome on Da 11) The justification for Philometor in re-demanding Coelosyria, was that Antiochus the Great, father of Epiphanes, unjustly took away Coelosyria from Ptolemy Epiphanes, father of Philometor, when he was under age. Later Antiochus restored it to him with his daughter Cleopatra as her dowry. Antiochus Epiphanes on the contrary asserted that from the time when his father overcame the father of Philometor at Parium, Coelosyria was always subject to the kings of Syria and firmly denied that it was given by his father to Cleopatra the mother of Philometor for her dowry. (Polyg. Legat. 72. & 82.)

3218. At that time Philometor began to reign and the coronation ceremonies were performed. /APC 2Ma 4:21 Ptolemy, son of Dorymenis surnamed Macron, displayed his wisdom. When he had received the government of the island of Cyprus when the king was a child, he gave nothing of the king's money to the stewards. When the king became of age, he sent an enormous amount of money to Alexandria. The king and all the courtiers very highly commended his former parsimony. (Polyb. l. 27. in the collections of Valesius, p. 126.)

3219. Antiochus sent to Egypt Apollonius, son of Menestheus, to the coronation of Philometor the king. When he knew that he was in disfavour with Philometer, he fortified himself against him. When he came to Joppa, he took his journey to Jerusalem. He was honourably received by Jason and the city. He entered the city by torch light and with great shoutings. From there Antiochus went into Phoenicia with his army. /APC 2Ma 4:21,22

3832 AM, 4542 JP, 172 BC

3220. Three years after Jason was made the high priest by Antiochus, he sent Menelaus, the brother of Simon the Benjamite a traitor, that he might bring to the king the promised money and advise him of necessary affairs. Menelaus used the opportunity of his embassy for his own advantage in the same way Jason usurped his brother Onias, Menelaus usurped Jason. He promised the king 300 talents of silver more than what Jason promised so that he would be the high priest instead of Jason. (/APC 2Ma 4:23-25 Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. l. 2.) Josephus states that Menelaus was first called Onias and was brother to Onias the 3rd and to Jason himself and the youngest son of Simon, the second, the high priest. (Antiq. l. 12. c. 6. cf. l. 15. c. 3.)

3221. When Menelaus secured the government of Judah, he expelled Jason into the country of the Ammonites. He did not pay any of the money which he had promised to the king. /APC 2Ma 4:25-27

3222. When Cius Popilius Lenas and Publius Aelius Ligur were consuls, Valerius Antias states that Attalus, the brother of Eumenes came to Rome. He accused Perseus, the king of the Macedonians of crimes and wanted to know who was backing his war effort. The Annals of the most, and such to whom you would give the better credit, affirm that Eumenes came in person to Rome. Eumenes was entertained with the highest honour and brought into the senate. He said that the reason he came to Rome, besides the desire of seeing the gods and men by whose benefit he was in such a good state was that he might publicly advise the senate to oppose the actions of Perseus. (Livy l. 42. Appian. Legat, 25. a Fulv. Ursino, edit.) This matter was kept so secret that before the war was finished and Perseus taken prisoner, it was not known what Eumenes said or what the senate replied. (Livy l. 42. Valer. Maximus, l. 2. c. 2.)

3223. Some days later, Satyrus a leader of the ambassadors of the Rhodians, accused Eumenes before the senate. He said Eumenes had stirred up the country of the Lycians against the Rhodians and was more troublesome in Asia than Antiochus. Although he made a good speech, Eumenes was still held in high regard by the Romans. He was given all honours, most generous gifts with a chariot of state and an ivory staff. (Livy l. 42. Diod. Sic. 9. Legat 16. a Fulv. Ursino, edit.)

3224. Eumenes, returned from Rome into his kingdom. He left Cirra for the temple of Delphi that he might sacrifice to Apollo. On the way he was ambushed by men hired by Perseus. They tumbled down two vast stones on him. One bruised the king's head and the other injured his shoulder. They heaped many stones on him after he fell from a steep place. The next day, when he revived, his friends brought him to the ship. From there they sailed to Corinth. From Corinth, their ships were carried over the neck of the isthmus to Aegina. His recovery was kept so secret that the news of his death was reported to Asia and Rome. (Livy l. 42. Appian. Legat. 25.)

3225. Attalus gave more credit to these reports than he should. He did not confer with the governor of the citadel of Pergamos as to who should be the next king. He assumed the kingdom and married Stratonice, his brother's wife, the daughter of Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians. He rushed too quickly into her embraces. Not long afterwards, he heard that his brother lived and was coming to Pergamos. He set aside his diadem. He with the guard, according to custom, went to meet Eumenes and carried an halberd. Eumenes greeted him in a friendly and honourable manner. He cheerfully greeted the queen. However he whispered nevertheless into his brother's ear:

Until thou seest that I am dead, Approach not rashly to my bed.

3226. Eumenes treated Attalus with the same friendship as before for the rest of his life in spite of these events. (Livy l. 42. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 306. Plutarch in Apophthegm & l. pei fladelfia

3227. For the recent wickedness of Perseus against him and for ancient hatred between their countries, Eumenes prepared a war with all his strength. Ambassadors came to him from Rome and congratulated him on his escape from so great a danger. (Livy l. 42.)

3228. After that, Ariarathes king of the Cappadocians, had by his wife Antiochis, daughter to Antiochus the Great, two daughters, and one son. The son was first named Mithredates and then called Ariarathes. His wife thought she would be barren and had procured two other sons for him. The king sent Ariarathes the older with a good estate to Rome. The younger was called Olophernes or Orophernes and was sent into Ionia. He did not want them to contend with his genuine son about the kingdom. (Diod. Sic. l. 31. in Photii. Bibliothec. cod. 244.) This year therefore he sent Ariarathes his genuine son to be educated at Rome and that from a child he might be accustomed to the manners and men of Rome. He requested that they would permit him to be not under the custody of hosts as is the custom of private individuals. He wanted him under the charge of public care and tuition. The embassy of the king was well received by the senate. They decreed that Cieius Sicinius the mayor, should appoint a furnished house where the king's son and his retinue might live. (Livy l. 42.)

3229. The Romans sent ambassadors to their confederate kings, Eumenes, Antiochus, Ariarathes, Masanissa and Ptolemy, king of Eygpt. Others were sent into Greece, Thessalie, Epirus, Acarnania and the islands. They were to unite in a war against Perseus. (Appian. Legat. 25.) T. Claudius Nero and M. Decimius were sent to verify the loyalty of Asia and the islands. They were commanded also to go to Crete and Rhodes to renew their friendships. They were to discover whether the minds of their confederates had been courted by king Perseus. (Livy l. 42.)

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3230. When delegates that had been sent to the confederate kings had returned from Asia, they stated that they had conferred with Eumenes in Asia, Antiochus in Syria and Ptolemy in Alexandria. All of them had been solicited by the embassies of Perseus but had remained loyal to the Romans and promised to do what the Romans thought best. Likewise they reported that the confederate cities remained loyal with the possible exception of Rhodes who were inclined toward Perseus. The Rhodian ambassadors came to clear themselves of these charges which they knew were circulating as rumours. It was thought fitting that when the new consuls entered their office that a senate should be convened for them. (Livy l. 42.)

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3231. The consuls, P. Licinius, and C. Cassius, with all the kings and cities in Asia and Europe now turned their attention to the pending war between Macedonia and Rome. Eumenes was eager for the war because of ancient animosities between the two peoples and because Perseus had almost killed him at Delphi. Prusias king of Bithynia, resolved to stay out of the conflict. He did not think it proper to fight with the Romans against his wife's brother. If Perseus should win, he could easily obtain pardon through his wife who was the sister to Perseus. Ariarathes king of the Cappadocians promised to help the Romans. He had an alliance with Eumenes and joined all councils of war and peace. Antiochus eyed the kingdom of Egypt for he despised the youth of the king and the sloth of his tutors. He thought the dispute over Coelosyria would be a good reason for the war against Egypt. He could fight this war while the Romans were busy in the Macedonian war. However, he generously promised help to all the kings through his own delegates to the senate and to their ambassadors. The young Ptolemy was still controlled by his tutors. They prepared for war against Antiochus to retake Coelosyria. They also made generous promises for the Macedonian war. (Livy l. 42.) Ptolemy king of Egypt, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Eumenes of Asia and Masanissa of Numidia all helped the Romans. (Oros. l. 4. c. 20.)

3232. Three ambassadors, A. Posthumius Albinus, C. Decius and A. Licvinius Nerva, were sent from the Romans to the Greeks who sent archers for the war. (Livy l. 42.)

3233. Three other ambassadors, T. Clausius Tiberius, P. Posthuminus and M. Junius were sent into the islands and the cities of Asia. These were to urge their confederates to help fight against Perseus. They concentrated their efforts on the larger cities first for they knew that the smaller cities would follow the lead of the larger ones. The Rhodians were judged to be the wealthiest and have the most business interests in that region. They supplied 40 ships by the authority of Hegesilochus who was at that time in the Prytanis or head of the government. As soon as he knew the Romans planned to wage war with Perseus, he exhorted his citizens that they should ally themselves with the Romans. They should send the same help to the Romans they gave in the war with Antiochus and before that, with Philip. The Rhodians should enlist the help of their naval allies to assemble this fleet. They should eagerly do this to effectively kill the rumours spread by Eumenes against them. As a result of this when the ambassadors from Rome came, the Rhodians showed them a fleet of 40 ships prepared and equipped for war. Their action had a great influence on the rest of the cities of Asia. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 64.)

3234. After Perseus had a conference with the Romans, he wrote all the reasons supporting his position and what the other side alleged. This was so contrived to put him in a favourable light. This was copied and sent by couriers to the other cities. However, he ordered Antenor and Philip to go as ambassadors to Rhodes. When they came there, they gave the letters to the magistrates. After a few days the senate received a request from the Rhodians that for the present they would not get involved in this war on either side. If the Romans should undertake against the laws of the league to war with Perseus and the Macedonians, that they should endeavour to bring them to terms of the agreement which was in everyone's interest. The Romans should be more intent than others on preserving law and liberty since they were the guardians of the liberty of Greece and Rhodes. Therefore they ought to enforce the compliance of those who were not so inclined. When the ambassadors had spoken these things, their speech seemed reasonable to all. However the opposing side prevailed. On the other points, they yielded courteously toward the ambassadors. As a reply they requested Perseus, not to demand anything that would be against the will of the Romans. Antenor did not accept this and used the courtesy of the Rhodians to return into Macedonia. (Polyb. Legat. 65. Livy l. 42.)

3235. While the navy stayed around Cephalenia, Caius Lucretius the Roman praetor sent letters with the Romans requesting the ships to be sent to him. He gave that letter to Socrates the anointer of the wrestlers, to deliver. This came to Rhodes at the same time, when Strutocles was president of the counsel or Prytanis, for the later half of the year. When the matter was debated, it seemed fitting to Agathagetus, Rhodophon, Astymedes and many others that the Rhodians without any further delay should send those ships and ally themselves with the Romans. However, Dino and Polyeratus who did not approve of those things which had before been decreed in favour of the Romans, argued that the letter was not sent from the Romans but from Eumenes, the enemy of the Rhodians. Eumenes was determined to get them into the war and engage the people in unnecessary charges and troubles. They said that the letter was brought by an obscure person, an anointer of wrestlers to Rhodes. However the Romans use great care to pick out men of the choicest rank for such a task. Strutocles, the chief officer or Prytanis opposed these men and spoke much against Perseus and generously commended the Romans. He prevailed with the Rhodians that a decree of sending the ships should be made. Therefore of the 6 ships that were ready, they sent 5 under the command of Timagoras to Chalcis and one to Tenedos, under the command of the other Timagoras. This man could not take Diophanes himself whom he found at Tenedos when he was sent from Perseus to Tenedos. However, he took the ship with all its equipment. (Polyb. Legat. 67.)

3236. The Romans heard from the embassy that came from Asia about the state of the Rhodians and the rest of the cities. They convened a senate for the ambassadors of Perseus. (Livy l. 42. Legat, 68.) At that time therefore, Solon and Hippias endeavoured to relate all the affairs and to lessen the tension. However, they defended the crime and treachery against Eumenes with special zeal because the matter was well known. When they had finished their speech, the senate, who had before decreed the war, denounced them and whoever else had happened to come from Macedonia to Rome. They should immediately depart from the walls of Rome and within 30 days be out of Italy. (Legat, 68. Diod. Sic. Legat. 17. Livy l. 42.)

3237. Notice was sent to Eumenes that he should with his uttermost strength help in the war against Perseus. (Justin, l. 33. c. 1.) He came to Chalcis in Baeotia by sea with Attalus and Atheneus, his brothers. His brother Philetaetus stayed at Pergamos to safeguard the kingdom. From there with Attalus and 4000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry, he came into Thessalia to Licinius the consul. Atheneus was left at Chalcis with 2000 foot soldiers. When Marius Lucretius came there with an army of 10,000 sea soldiers, he took these troops with him to the siege of Holiartus. (Livy l. 42.)

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3238. About the same time, warships arrived at Chalcis from their other confederates, 2 Phoenician ships of 5 tiers of oars, 2 from Heraclea from Pontus of 3 tiers of oars, 4 from Chalcedon and as many from Samos. Moreover, Rhodes sent 5 ships of 4 tiers of oars. (Livy l. 42.) C. Leucretius, the praetor and brother of Marcus, returned the ships to the confederates when he saw there would be no naval war. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 67. fin.) However, the praetor with his brother attacked Haliartus. After it surrendered to him, he levelled it to the ground and then, without any opposition, took Thebes. (Livy l. 42.)

3239. While these affairs were happening in Baeotia, Licinius the consul, Eumenes and Attalus in Thessalia, engaged Perseus. In the first conflict no one won a clear victory. About 38 men were killed of Eumenes' side, including Cassignatus, the captain of the Gauls. In the second battle Perseus won. (Livy l. 42.) Even though he won and asked for peace from Livinius, he did not get it. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 69. Appian. Legat. 26.)

3240. Perseus sent Antenor to Rhodes for the redemption of the captives that sailed with Diophanes. In this business, there was a long discussion by them, who governed the country about what ought to be done. It seemed best to Piplophron and Theueretus, that the Rhodians should not entangle themselves in the affairs of Perseus. However Dinon and Polyaratus wanted to. At last they came to an agreement with Perseus concerning the captives. (Polyb. Legat, 70.)

3241. When Antiochus clearly saw Egypt preparing to wage war for Coelosyria, he sent Meleager as an ambassador to Rome. Through him he declared to the senate that he was wrongly invaded and Ptolemy was an ally of Rome as he was. Allies should not be fighting with each other. (Polyb. Legat. 70, 71.)

3242. When the war started between Antiochus and Ptolemy because of Coelosyria, the ambassadors of both kings came to Rome. Antiochus sent Meleager, Sosiphanes and Heraclides. Ptolemy sent Timothy and Damon. Meleager came that he might tell the senate that Ptolemy first wrongly provoked Antiochus and wanted to put him from a country that was rightfully his. Timothy was sent to renew the friendship with the Romans and to watch Meleager's dealings with the Romans. When he had renewed the friendship and received answers agreeable to his requests, he returned to Alexandria. The senate told Meleager that they would have Quintus Marcius write to Ptolemy about those matters as he should see expedient for the interest of the people of Rome and his own trust. (Polyb. Legat. 72. Diod. Sic. Legat. 18.)

3243. Between Peleusium and Mount Casius, Antiochus defeated Ptolemy's commanders. He spared the king because of his youth and pretended to be his friend. He went up to Memphis and took over the kingdom. He said that he would be careful about the affairs of the land. So with a small company of people, he subdued all of Egypt. (Porphyries ex Callinco Sutorio, apud Jerome on Da 11) At this time, Ptolemy Macron the son of Dorymenes, to whom Philometor had committed the government of Cyprus seems to have defected to Antiochus and surrendered to him the island. /APC 2Ma 10:13 Thereupon the care of Cyprus was committed to Crates. /APC 2Ma 4:29 He made Ptolemy the governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. (/APC 2Ma 8: and admitted him into his inner circle of friends. /APC 1Ma 3:38

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3244. Jubilee 26.

3245. Perseus was defeated by Lycinius the consul, Eumenes, Attalus and Misagenes, duke of the Numidians. When Perseus came to Pella, he sent his army into their winter quarters. The consul returned to Latissa and sent Eumenes and Attalus home. He placed Misagenes with his Numidians and the rest of his army in their winter quarters throughout Thessalie. (Livy l. 42.)

3246. Sostratus, the governor of the citadel of Jerusalem was in charge of collecting the king's revenues there. When he requested the money promised to Antiochus by Menelaus both of them were summoned by the king to Antioch. Menelaus left his brother Lysimachus in charge of the high priesthood. Sostratus left in his place, Crates, who was governor of the Cypriotes. /APC 2Ma 4:27-29.

3247. In Cilicia, the men of Tarsus and Mallos revolted because Antiochus had given the revenue of their cities to Antiochis, his concubine. The king quickly came to appease them and left Andronicus in charge at Antioch. /APC 2Ma 4:30,31

3248. Menelaus took advantage of the king's absence. With the help of Lysimachus, the king's deputy, he stole some gold vessels from the temple at Jerusalem. Some he gave to Andronicus and some he sold in Tyre and the surrounding cities. When Onias the 3rd and the legal high priest knew of this, he impeached Menelaus for this sacrilege. He hid himself in a sanctuary at Daphne that lies near Antioch. (/APC 2Ma 4:32,33) There was in the middle of the woods a sanctuary dedicated to Apollo. (Strabo l. 16. p. 750.) This spacious facility was built by Antiochus. (Ammia. Marcellin. l. 22.)

3249. Andronicus, at the request of Menelaus, had Onias leave the sanctuary and promised him his safety. However, he had him murdered. /APC 2Ma 4:34

3250. When Antiochus returned from Cilicia to Antioch, the Jews which were in the city and many of other countries, complained to him of the unjust murder of the most holy old man. Antiochus was deeply moved to tears and commanded Andronicus to be disrobed and lead around the city. He was slain in the same place where he had murdered Onias. (/APC 2Ma 4:35-38)

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3251. After many sacrileges had been committed at Jerusalem by Lysimachus with the consent of Menelaus, the people assembled against Lysimachus since many gold vessels were already taken away. To protect himself, he gathered 3000 troops under Tyrannus. He was an old and foolish man. In the riot, some picked up stones, some large clubs, some picked up dust and threw this on Lysimachus and his soldiers. In the uproar, many were wounded, some were killed and the rest fled. Lysimachus was killed near the treasury. (/APC 2Ma 4:39-42)

3252. When Antiochus came to Tyre, three men were sent from the elders at Jerusalem to testify against Menelaus as a partner in the sacrileges and wickedness of Lysimachus. However even though Menelaus was convicted, the king freed him when he was promised large sums of money by Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes. Through Ptolemy, he was acquitted and allowed to continue as the high priest. The three innocent persons who pleaded for the city, people and the holy vessels were condemned to die. The men of Tyre gave them a magnificent funeral. (/APC 2Ma 4:44-50)

3253. About that time, Antiochus prepared his second expedition into Egypt. It happened at Jerusalem that for 40 days, strange visions of armed horsemen and of foot soldiers in battle were seen in the air portending their future problems. /APC 2Ma 5:1-4

3254. Antiochus planned to add the kingdom of Egypt to his own. He entered Egypt with a numerous company, with chariots, with elephants, with horsemen and a great navy. He made war against Ptolemy, king of Egypt who turned and fled away. Many were killed. Afterward they seized the fortified cities in the land and Antiochus took the spoils of Egypt. /APC 1Ma 1:16-19