THE ANNALS THE WORLD

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3961a AM, 4670 JP, 44 BC

5143. The 9th (7th ides) of October, Antony came to Brundusium to meet four of five of the Macedonian legions that he thought to win to his side with money. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 13. epist. 23.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 552. 554.} {Dion, l, 45. p. 276. edit. Gracolatin. Hannoviensis.} These were granted to him by the senate and people of Rome to be used against the Getae. However, he transported them to Italy. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 61.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 543, 546, 558. fin.}

5144. Octavian also sent his friends with money to hire those soldiers for himself. {Dion, l, 45. p. 276. edit. Gracolatin. Hannoviensis.} He sent into Campania to secure for his side those soldiers that his father had sent into the colonies to war. First he drew to his side, the old soldiers of Galatia, then those of Casilinum, which lay on both sides of Capua. He gave each of them 500 denarii (which Appian and Dio, after the custom of the Greeks translate drachmas) He gathered together about 10,000 men but they were not well armed nor marshalled into companies. He marched with them under one ensign as a guard. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 16. epist. 8., Philippic 3.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 61.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 552. 553.} These troops were the first to be called the Evocati because when they had permission to retire from the army, they were again called to service. {Servius Galba ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 10. epist. 30.} {Dio, l. 45. p. 276., l. 55. p. 565.}

5145. In the meantime, the four legions of Macedonia accused Antony for his delay in revenging Caesar's death on the murderers. Without any acclamations, they conducted him to the tribunal as if they would hear an account of this business before anything else. Antony took their silence poorly. He did not contain himself but upbraided them for their ingratitude because they did not acknowledge how much better it was to go into Italy than into Parthia. Neither did they show any token of thankfulness. He also complained that they had not brought to him some disturbers of the peace that were sent from that wicked young man (for so he called Caesar) but that he would find them. He said he would march with the army to the province that was decreed to him by the senate even that fortunate Gaul. He said that he would give to everyone there 100 denarii or drachmas. This niggardliness of his promises was entertained with laughter. When he took this badly, he was deserted and the disorder increased. {Appian. l. 3. p. 554.} {Dion, l. 45. p. 276.} {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 16. epist. 8.}

5146. When Antony had demanded the rebels from the tribunes according to the discipline of war, he drew out every tenth man by lot. He did not punish them all but only some of them and thought to terrify them little by little. {Appian. l. 3. p. 554, 555.} Also in the house of his host on the bay of Brundusium, in the presence of his most covetous and cruel wife Fulvia, he put to death some centurions that were taken from the Martian legion. (Cicero, Philippic. 3, 5, 13.} {Dio, l. 45. p. 276.}

5147. When those of Caesar's party who were sent to bribe them, saw that they were more provoked by this deed, they created libelous rumours among the army. They recalled to mind the memory of Caesar when considering this business and cruelty of Antony. They invited them to the liberality of the young man. Antony promised rewards to them that would tell him of them and punishments to those who did not expose the offenders. He took it rather poorly that none were discovered as if the army defended them. {Appian, l. 3. p. 555.}

5148. When Octavian Caesar came to hold office, he endeavoured to win the people to himself. Both M. Brutus and Caius Cassius gave up all hope of controlling the opinion of people and were afraid of Caesar. They sailed from Italy and landed at Athens where they were magnificently entertained. {Dio, l. 47. p. 238. 239.} Cornelius Nepos, in the life of Atticus, wrote that when Antony began to get the upper hand, they abandoned the government of those provinces that were assigned to them by the consuls and went into exile.

``and now both fearing the arms of Antony and now again to increase the envy they had against Antony they pretended as though they were afraid and protested by their edicts that they would willingly live in perpetual exile as long as the commonwealth was in peace. Neither would they give any occasion for a civil war.''

5149. Velleius Paterculus stated that they went out of Italy. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.}

5150. When some went to Octavian's side and some to Antony's, the armies sided with the one that gave them the most. Brutus intended to leave Italy and though Lucania came by land to the sea at Elea. From there he sailed to Athens where he became a student to Theomnestas the academic and to Cratippus the peripatetic (the Mitylenian). Together with them they studied and he seemed to forget all business and to live in idleness. However, he prepared for the war. {Plutarch, in Brutus} Cicero {Cicero, in Philippic. 10.} stated that the navy of Cassius caught up to Brutus within a few days.

5151. Brutus and Cassius determined by force to invade Macedonia and Syria as assigned before to Dolabella and Antony. As soon as this was known Dolabella hurried into Syria and visited Asia along the way, to gather money from there. {Appian, de Brutis civilibin, l. 3. p. 541} For Appian thought (as also does {Florus, l, 4, c. 7.}) that Macedonia was decreed by Julius Caesar (before he was killed by them) to Brutus and Syria to Cassius. There were other letters, granting to them ,in the place of those that were later taken from them by the consuls. That is Cyrene and the isle of Crete. Some attribute both of these to Cassius and Bithynia to Brutus but that they were assigned these and gathered an army and money with an intent to invade Syria and Macedonia. {Appian. l. p. 527. 530, 531. 533. 536. 550, l. 4. p. 622.}

5152. However, Syria was appointed by Julius Caesar to Cornificius, as we gather from Cicero. The fourth day after his murder, Crete was decreed by the senate to Brutus and Africa to Cassius we have learned previously from Plutarch. Cicero stated of Brutus: {Cicero, in Philippic. 11.}

``Neither went he into his own province of Crete, but hurried into Macedonia which was another's. Cassius obeyed the law of greed, when he went into Syria. This was another's province indeed, if men would use written laws. But these were violated, so he used his own by the law of greed.''

5153. Velleius Paterculus confirmed that both of them seized provinces without any decree from the senate or public authority. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.} He also said both of them lived at Athens. Dio wrote {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} that they heard that Caesar had increased in strength. Crete and Bithynia which they were sent to, were neglected because they thought that these provinces would not be of much help. They planned to take Syria and Macedonia which did not belong to them. At that time, both of them had men and money.

5154. Dolabella made his journey through Achaia, Macedonia and Thrace and arrived too late into Asia. However, in Achaia he had foot soldiers and cavalry. He met Vetus Antestius, who had returned from Syria and had dismissed his army, (which he had mainly used against Caecilius Bassus.) He would rather suffer any danger than to seem to give any money to Dolabella either willingly or by compulsion. {Dio, l. 47, p. 433} {Brutus in l. Cicerronis ad Brutum, epist. 16.}

5155. On the 1ts (calends) of November, letters were brought to Cicero from Octavian. He asked his advice whether he had best come to Rome with those 4000 old soldiers, or should he keep them at Capua and keep Antony from there, or should he go to the three legions of Macedonia, which came by the way of the Adriatic Sea. Because they would not receive the bribes that Antony offered them, he thought he might win them to himself. {Cicero, ad attic., l. 16. epist. 8.} Octavian numbered the centuries at Capua. {Cicero, ad attic., l. 16. epist. 9.} He journeyed to Samnium and arrived at Cales and stayed at Theanum. There was a wonderful gathering of the free cities and corporations which came to Rome in large numbers. (??) {Cicero, ad attic., l. 16. epist. 8.}

5156. He went to the common people who had already been prepped for this purpose by Canutius the tribune of the people. He renewed the memory of his father in a long speech to them and the brave acts that he had done. He spoke also many things modestly of himself and accused Antony. He commended the soldiers that followed him because they were ready to help the city and that they had chosen him for that purpose. They should by this act signify this to so great a crowd. They were commended for the good equipment they had and for the large number of soldiers that followed Caesar. He went into Hetruria to get more soldiers. {Dio, l. 45. p. 276.}

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5157. At this time Marcus Cicero dedicated his three famous books of offices {Cicero, de Officiis} to his son Marcus who had been a scholar for an whole year to Cratippus. (This was not at the first time he was sent there as Dio thinks. {Dio, l. 45. p. 277.} {Cicero, Letter to his Friends, l. 16. epist. 11.}) Some of the son's letters to Tiro still exist {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 16. epist. 21.} in which he tells of those who boarded with him:

``I have hired a place for Brutus close to me and as much as I can from my poverty, I sustain his needs. Moreover I intended to make my speech in Greek before Cassius but before Brutus, I will do my practising in Latin. My close friends and boarders are those that Cratippus brought with him from Mitylene, learned men and well approved by him.''

5158. When Brutus was in financial need, he made friends with Cicero and with other young men that studied at Athens. He sent Herostratus into Macedonia to win the favour of those who were captains of the armies. When he had received news that some Roman ships laden with money sailed from Asia toward Athens and that the admiral was an honest man and his close friend, he went to meet him near the Carystos. He persuaded him to turn over the ships to him. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5159. On his birthday, Brutus made a large feast for the admiral. When they started the toasts, they drank to the a health of Brutus and the freedom of the people of Rome. Brutus took a large cup and spoke aloud this verse without any apparent reason.

Latona's stem and cruel fate
To my success have put a date.

5160. This was taken as an ill omen of his defeat. When he went to fight his last battle at Philippi, he gave his soldiers these words of Apollo. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian. l. 4. p. 668.}

5161. After this, Anistius gave Brutus 500 myriads of the money he was carrying into Italy. {Plutarch, in Brutus} The Latin interpreter rendered it 20,000 sesterniums and Brutus himself acknowledged that sum that Vetus Antistius had promised of his own accord and gave him from his money. In a letter, Brutus commended him to Cicero since Antistius was going to Rome to request the praetorship. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 11.} We read in Cornelius Nepos {Nepos, Life of Atticus} that Pompey Atticus also sent a present of 900 sesterniums when Brutus was expelled and left Italy and in his absence, commanded that 300 should be given to him in Epirus.

5162. Cassius and Brutus, left one another in Piraeera. Cassius went into Syria to keep Dolabella {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} out and Brutus went into Macedonia {Plutarch, in Brutus} so that he could control Macedonia and Greece. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} Without any public authority, they seized the provinces and armies and pretended that where they were, there was the legitimate state. They received money from those who would give it to them which was sent by the treasurers to Rome from the parts beyond the seas. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.}

5163. Cassius got ahead of Dolabella and sailed into Asia to Trebonius, the proconsul. After the proconsul was bribed, he sided with Cassius and gave him many of those cavalry who were sent ahead by Dolabella into Syria. (P. Lentulus brags in his letters to Cicero that he was the first to turn these over to Cassius.) {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 14.} A large number from Asia and Cilicia also joined him. Cassius compelled Tarcondimotus and the Tarsenses to join in an alliance with him. However, the Tarsenses did it against their will. They so favoured the first Caesar and for his sake Octavian, that instead of Tarsus, they called their city Juliopolus. {Dio, l. 47. p. 342.}

5164. Brutus received from Apuleius the forces he then had and in coined money, 16,000 talents which were collected from the payments and tributes of Asia that Apuleius (??) had received from Trebonius. Brutus went into Boeotia. {Appian. l. 4. p. 632.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} There he gathered soldiers of those from the battle of Pharsalus that he found wandering about Thessalia. Some of those that came with Dolabella from Italy, were either left there because of sickness or had run away from their regiments. He took from Cinna, 500 cavalry which he was taking to Dolabella into Asia. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} This was the occasion of what Cicero wrote about Brutus. {Cicero, Philippic 11th.}

``He raised new legions and welcomed the old ones. He took for himself, Dolabella's cavalry before Dolabella murdered Trebonius. Brutus counted him an enemy by his own standards. For if it were not so, how could he take away the cavalry from the consul?''

5165. Brutus was thus appointed, under the pretence of serving the state and of undertaking a war against Antony. He seized Greece where there were no soldiers at all. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} {Livy, l. 118.}

5166. From there he went to Demetrius who gave him a large supply of arms that were stockpiled by Julius Caesar's orders for the Parthian war and were supposed to be turned over to Antony. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, l. 3. p. 567.}

5167. Brutus went into Macedonia at the same time that Caius Antony, the consul's brother, had recently arrived there and Q. Hortensius, the proconsul of Macedonia, was preparing to leave. This did not bother Brutus since Hortensius would soon join with him and Antony was forbidden (Caesar now ordered all at Rome) to meddle with anything that belonged to the chief magistrate and had no forces. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} {Cicero, Philippic. 10.}

5168. A muster was made in Macedonia by the great care and efforts of Q. Hortensius. The legion that L. Piso, the lieutenant of Antony, led, was turned over to Cicero's son whom Brutus brought with him from Athens. The cavalry were led in two brigades into Syria. One brigade left him that led them into Thessalia, as it is said and went to Brutus. The other one, Cn. Domitius in Macedonia took away from the lieutenant of Syria. {Cicero, Philippic. 10.}

5169. Brutus heard that Antony would immediately march to the forces which Gabinius had at Dyrrachium and Apollonia and wanted to prevent this. He quickly journeyed through rough ways and much snow. He outdistanced those who brought his provisions. As he came near to Dyrrachium because of the labour and cold, he was taken with a bulimia. This is a disease that affects those who are worn out going through the snow and the cold. When this was known, the soldiers left the guard and came running with food for him. Brutus behaved kindly to all for this courtesy when he was taken to the town. {Plutarch, in Brutus} Q. Vatinius, who commanded in Illyrium which was close by, came from there and had captured Dyrrachium previously. He was an adversary to Brutus throughout all the civil war. He was condemned by his soldiers, because of Brutus' sickness. They went to Brutus and Vatinius opened the gates to him and turned over his army to him. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} {Cicero, Philippic. 10.} {Livy, l. 118.}

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5170. When a short way was available for Dolabella to go into Syria, he invaded Asia which was another man's province and was unprepared for war. He sent M. Octavian, a poor senator, with a legion and wasted the countries and attacked their cities. {Cicero, Philippic. 11.}

5171. Neither Pergamos nor Smyrna would receive him into their cities but they made available to him a market place outside the city in respect to his office as consul. When he in a passion had in vain attacked Smyrna, Trebonius the proconsul of Asia, who fortified the cities as a refuge for Brutus and Cassius, promised that he would let him into Ephesus. He ordered his soldiers to immediately follow the consul there. {Appian, l. 3. p. 542.}

5172. After this, there were friendly conferences with Trebonius. However, this was but false tokens of great kindness in pretended love. {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} By this, Trebonius was deceived, so that he promised Dolabella all courtesies. He made provision for his soldiers and lived together with them without any fear. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5173. In Egypt, the young Ptolemy who was 15 years old, was poisoned by his wife and sister Cleopatra in the fourth year of his reign. This was the eighth year of his sister's reign from the death of their father, Auletes. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.} {Porphyr. in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger. p. 226.}

5174. After Mark Antony, the consul, had returned from Brundusium to Rome, he ordered the senate to meet eight days (9th calends) before December. When they failed to meet on that day, he deferred it until 3 days before (4th calends) December and then ordered them to meet in the capitol. {Cicero, Philippic. 3.}

5175. In the meantime Antony's Macedonian legions, rebelled as they were going into Cisalpine Gaul and condemned the lieutenant that commanded them. Many of them defected to Caesar. {Dio, l 45. p. 276.} All the Martian legion took away their colours and came to him and stayed at Asia. The fourth legion rebelled against L. Egnatuleius, the quaestor and their commander and defected to Caesar also. {Dio, l 45. p. 276.} {Cicero, Philippic. 3, 4, 5, 11, 13, Letters to his Friends, l. 11. epist. 7.} {Livy, 117.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 6.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 556.} Caesar received them and gave them money as he had previously done and so drew many to his side. He also got all of Antony's elephants by chance as they were being driven along. {Dio, l. 45. p. 276.}

5176. When Antony was going into the senate in the capitol on the appointed day to complain of Caesar's actions, at the very entrance of the court he received news of the revolt of the legions. He was terrified and dared not speak a word in the senate concerning Caesar. He had planned to propose to the senate and one that had been consul brought a sentence written by which he would account Caesar as an enemy. {Cicero, Philippic. 3, 5, 13.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 556.} On the very same day at evening, the lots were cast for the provinces for the next year among the friends of Antony so that everyone would have a province which was most suitable to Antony. {Cicero, Philippic. 3.}

5177. He went to Alba to see if he could bring the soldiers of the Martian legion who were quartered there, to obey him again. When they shot at him from the walls, he sent 500 denarii for each man in the rest of the legions. With what forces he had around him, he marched in warlike array to Tibur and then to Ariminum in the entrance to Cisalpine Gaul. He had three Macedonian legions with him, (for the rest were now come) and one of the old soldiers with the auxiliaries that wanted to follow them in addition to the praetorians and young soldiers. {Appian, l. 3. p. 556.}

5178. Antony besieged Decimus Brutus in Mutina because he would not leave Cisalpine Gaul since it was his province. {Appian, l. 3. p. 556, 558.} Caesar Octavian sent help to him even though he was one of Caesar's murderers. However politics makes strange bedfellows. {Dio, l. 45. p. 277.} Octavian had those two valiant legions of Macedonia that came to him and one of new soldiers and two other legions of veterans. They were not at full strength so he added the young soldiers into their ranks. When the army would have made him propraetor, he refused the honour they offered him. However, he hired the mercenaries by a gift and gave to every man of the two Macedonian legions (that fought before him) 500 denarii for each man. He promised 500,000 more to the conquerors if there should be any need of a battle. {Appian, l. 3. p. 557, 558.} Cicero referred to this: {Cicero, Philippic. 10.}

``The veterans who followed the authority of Caesar first repressed the attacks of Antony. Later the Martian legion abated his fury and the fourth legion routed him.''

5179. At Rome a senate was convened 12 days before January (13th calends) when neither of the consuls were present. Antony had sent Dolabella ahead into Macedonia while he besieged Murina. On this day, Cicero, {Cicero, Philippic, 3.} persuaded the senate that the things that Octavian had done against Antony should be confirmed and praises and rewards should be given to the rebels, the Martian legion, the fourth and to the veterans that had defected to Octavian. Also Cicero purposed that Decimus Brutus and all the rest (without taking any notice of the allocation of provinces which Antony had made by lots) should retain their provinces and turn them over to no one without a decree from the senate. The senate passed this decree. Cicero called the people together and told them what was done in the senate. {Cicero, Philippic, 3, 5, 6. init., Letters to his Friends, l. 11. epist. 6., l. 12. epist. 22.} {Dio, l. 45. p. 277.}

3961b AM, 4671 JP, 43 BC

5180. On the first of January, when Hirtius and Pausa began their consulship, Cicero {Cicero, Philippic, 5.} made a speech to the senate and persuaded them to make war on Antony and that honours should be decreed to them that defended the state against him. The next day the senate gave Caesar Octavian an extraordinary command (as Cicero calls it, {Cicero, Philippic., 11}) with consular authority and lictors and the ensigns of a praetor. He and the consuls should go to the help of Decimus Brutus against Antony. Further, he should tell the quaestors and the former consuls that he should have authority to hold the consulship for ten years before the law was passed allowing this. The senate also honoured him with a gold statue of him on horseback. It was placed in the rostrum and had his age on the inscription. By the same decree, all the money that he had given to the soldiers, he was recompensed from the public treasury. (Although he did it as a private citizen yet it was for the service of the state.) The gift that he had promised to give to the two Macedonian legions after the victory should be given to them in the name of the state. Also those legions and the other soldiers that were hired by Caesar, should be exempt from military service as soon as the war was ended and have lands divided among them. {Cicero, Philippic. 5., ad Brutus epist. 14.} {Livy, l. 118.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 81.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 10.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 3. p. 359. 360.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 310.}

5181. The office of propraetor was granted by the senate to Caesar Octavian, which he would not accept and was formerly offered to him by the army. Also he should have the same power in managing the war as the consuls had. However, there was a secret order given to the consuls that they should take away from him the two Macedonian legions which were most fit to do service. For this was the intent of their plan. When Antony was defeated, Caesar weakened and all the side of Caesar removed, then Pompey's side should be again restored to the government of the state. When Pansa, the consul, was on his deathbed, he told this to Octavian. {Appian, l. 3. p. 574. 575.}

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5182. When Octavian found what things had been decreed, he accepted the honours with great joy. He was more overjoyed because the same day he had assumed the office of praetor, he made a sacrifice. In this the livers of twelve of the sacrifices appeared double or folded inwards from the lowest fillets. This meant that within the year his command should be doubled. However, he was displeased that ambassadors were sent to Antony and that the consuls did not prosecute the war seriously under the excuse that it was winter. Thereupon he was compelled to spend all the winter at Forum Cornclis. {Dio, l. 46. p. 314.} {Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis} {Pliny, l. 11. c. 37.}

5183. Caius Trebonius was the first of all Caesar's murderers that was punished. He governed Asia by a consular power and was killed at Smyrna by the treachery of Dolabella. Trebonius was most ungrateful for the honours Caesar gave him and was one that helped murder him. By sham, he was advanced to the height of the consular dignity. {Cicero, Philippic. 11. 12.} {Strabo, l. 14. p. 646.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.} {Appian. l. 3. p. 542, 543, l. 4. p. 624.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 8.} Dolabella entered Smyrna at night and took the proconsul. After he had upbraided him in words, he turned the proconsul over to the banished man, Samiarius. After he had questioned him about the public money, he tortured him by imprisonment and scourgings and by the strappado. (A form of punishment or of torture to extort confession in which the victim's hands were tied across his back and secured to a pulley. He was then hoisted from the ground and let down half way with a jerk.) After two days of this, he commanded him to be beheaded and his head to be carried on a spear. The rest of his body was to be dragged and torn and cast into the sea. Cicero's account {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} is more accurate than that of Appian who stated that this murder was committed by the command of Dolabella when he entered into Asia and was now consul.

5184. Dio wrote that he cast his head before the statue of Caesar. Appian stated that it was ordered to be laid in the praetorian chair where Trebonius dispensed justice from. However, the soldiers and the drudges were angry with him as a partner of the conspiracy and because he detained Antony in a conversation before the doors of the court while Caesar was killed. The soldiers in various ways abused the other part of his body. They made a football of his head in a place that was paved with stones. They so marred the head that no sign of the face remained. Strabo affirmed that there were many parts of the city of Smyrna that were overthrown by Dolabella.

5185. After Asia was seized by Dolabella, P. Lentulus, the extraordinary quaestor, quickly sent a large amount of money to Cassius to help him seize Syria. Lentulus went into the next province of Macedonia to Brutus and tried with his help to recover the province of Asia and its tributes. He stated this in two letters. One was sent publicly to the senate and the other privately to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 14. & 15.} He told Cicero that he did not see his son because he had gone into the winter quarters with the cavalry.

5186. Dolabella carried on most cruelly in the province of Asia. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 3. 4. with those that were sent forth by the Germans} He took away the Roman tributes and taxed and vexed the Roman citizens. {P. Lentulus in Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.} He burdened the cities with new exactions of tributes and hired a navy of the Lucians, Pamphilians, Cilicians by the means of L. Figulus. {Appian, l. 4. p. 624.}

5187. The Rhodians were concerned about the lands that they had on the continent, (as they said themselves.) They sent two embassies to Dolabella to protest his actions because they were against their laws, and the magistrates had forbidden it. (??) {P. Lentulus in Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.} Brutus wrote that Dolabella was excluded by the Rhodians. (??) {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 4.}

5188. Aulus Allienus, the lieutenant of Dolabella, went to him after the death of Trebonius. {Cicero, Philippic, 11.} He sent Aulus to Egypt to Queen Cleopatra who favoured him for the acquaintance he had with the former Caesar. She sent four legions to him by Allienus. These were the remainder of the troops after the defeat of Pompey and Crassus. That is the number of those that remained with Cleopatra after Caesar left. She had a navy also ready to help him which could not yet sail because of the contrary winds. {Appian, l. 3. p. 576., l. 4. p. 623. 626., l. 5. p. 675.}

5189. Cicero made a speech about Bassus: {Cicero, Philippic 11.}

``as the valiant and victorious army of Q. Cacilius Bassus, a private citizen, but valiant and famous man had prevailed for sometime in Syria.''

5190. Q. Marcius (not, as in Appian, Minutius) Crispus the proconsul, (as Cicero calls him, {Cicero, in Philippic 11th.}) solicited help from Statius Marcus who was in Bithynia. (He governed by the decree of Julius Caesar and the approval of the senate. Although Cimber tried to govern this province this year also, by the right of Antony's lottery.) Marcus arrived with three regiments of his own and three from Murcus' troops. He besieged the two regiments of Bassus (called by Strabo tanmata, by Appian tilh, for it is obvious from Cassius' letters to Cicero, that they made only one legion. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 1, 12.}) Bassus so stoutly withstood the siege of the two Roman armies that he was not subdued until he obtained the conditions he wanted. Then he surrendered. {Strabo, l. 16. p. 752. fin.} When C. Cassius had come with his forces, he was called there by the consent of Murcus Marcius and the army, as Brutus relates in his letters to Cicero. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 5.} Bassus would not turn his army over to Murcus. Unless the soldiers had sent messengers to Cassius, Bassus held Apamea without his consent until it had been taken by assault, as Cassius himself wrote to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 12.}

5191. Cassius raised the siege before Apamea, Bassus and Murcus were reconciled. Cassius won over to his side those two troops that were besieged and six others that besieged them. Cassius assumed the ensigns of a general and commanded them by proconsular power. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 99.} {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 9., Antiq. l. 14. c. 18.} {Appian, ut supra} {Dio, l. 47., p. 344}

5192. From this time he assumed the title of proconsul, as appeared on the inscriptions of his letters to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 42. epist. 11, 12.} Cicero, in his letters to him did not give him that title {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 42. epist. 7, 8, 9, 10.} because the senate had not yet given him that title. However, Appian thinks otherwise. {Appian, l. 3. p, 576. & l. 4. p. 623.}

5193. When Cassius had settled all these forces in his camp, there fell suddenly a mighty rain and torrents rushed through every part of the camp and greatly disorganised everything. Some thought this was an omen about his sudden rise to power and a little later, his sudden overthrow. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.}

5194. When Cassius was strengthened with these forces, he immediately subdued all the cities of Syria. He was able to subdue some of those cities by his prestige and position as the quaestor. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339. 343.} He went to the cities and took arms and soldiers and exacted very heavy taxes from them. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 18.} Livy wrote that he invaded Syria with three armies which were in that province. {Livy, l. 121} Velleius Paterculus stated that he brought them under his control with the legions in that country. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.}

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5195. Marcus Brutus undertook an expedition against C. Antony, who kept Apollonia with seven cohorts. Brutus sent public letters to Rome concerning the things that he had done in Greece and Macedonia which were read in the senate by the consul Pausa. In a speech made by Cicero {Cicero, Philippic 10.} the senate passed a decree that Brutus should retain Macedonia, Illyricum, and all Greece, as proconsul. {Cicero, Philippic 10.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 567., l. 4. p. 622. & 632.}

5196. The body of Trebonius was brought to Rome. When the senate saw how disgracefully is was treated, they declared Dolabella to be an enemy of the state. {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} {Livy, l. 119.} {Appian, l. 2. p. 566.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 8.} A day was appointed for those on his side to leave him otherwise they would be deemed enemies also. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5197. The next day the senate debated about the choice of a general to prosecute the war against Dolabella. L. Caesar thought that this war should be committed to P. Servilius contrary to the normal procedure. Others thought that the consuls should cast lots for Asia and Syria to determine who would fight against Dolabella. Cicero {Cicero, Philippic 11.} in a speech railed fiercely against Dolabella. (Previously, he was Cicero's son-in-law, but shortly after he left Italy they had a great falling out.) Cicero persuaded the senators that this war should be committed to P. Cassius. Scaliger is not correct in his notes on Eusebius (at the number MDCCCLXXIII) about the decree of the senate concerning the command for Cassius. He thought Cicero's opinion did not prevail and that Pansa, the consul, stoutly opposed it. However, Cicero himself is witness in his letters to Cassius about this {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 7.} and added the following about himself:

``I promised and also performed it that you had not expected nor should not expect our decrees except that you yourself should defend the commonwealth. Although as of yet we heard nothing, either where you were or what forces you had, yet my opinion was that all the auxiliaries and forces which were in those parts should be under your command. I was confident that the province of Asia should be recovered by you to the commonwealth.''

5198. When it was not known at Rome that Cassius had control of Syria, the war against Dolabella was committed to the consuls if the present war against Antony should come to an end. The governors of the neighbouring countries were told not to help Dolabella. {Dio, l. 47. p. 433.} By the consul's consent, the government of Asia was confirmed to P. Lentulus Spinther, who now governed them under the title of proquaester and propraetor. This may be seen in his letters to Cicero written after the death of Pansa and Hirtius. (He did not know of their deaths at that time.)

5199. This decree against Dolabella was passed and letters were received from Antony to Hirtius, the consul and Caesar, the propraetor. These are given and refuted by Cicero. {Cicero, Philippic, 13.}

Antony to Hirtius and Caesar.

``When I knew of the death of C. Trebonius, I rejoiced not so much as I grieved. Such a wicked person received due vengeance and thereby made recompence to the remains of that illustrious hero. The just wrath of heaven was shown so partly before the year's end.''

5200. (From this we deduce that Trebonius was killed shortly before the ides of March which followed immediately after the murder of Caesar.)

``or that now the wrath of the gods on the parricide is executed or impending, is a reason for joy. The fact that Dolabella is judged an enemy for killing a common murderer and that the son of a parasite (Trebonius) should be held more dear to the people of Rome, than C. Caesar, the very father of our country, is no less to be lamented. Well Aulus Hirtius, it is an enigma that you, who by the very benefits of Caesar attained your honour and were left so well by him that you yourself must needs wonder to whom you owe whatever accomplishment you have done, would act so that as to procure Dolabella to be condemned, that that prisoner should be freed from the siege, and that Brutus and Cassius should grow most powerful. In the same manner do you handle these affairs as you did the former. You call the tents of Pompey, the senate, you accounted Cicero, general even when he was conquered, you fortified Macedonia with armies, committed Africa to Varus, who was twice taken, sent Cassius into Syria, allowed Caesar to enjoy the tribuneship, took the Julian revenues from the Lupercalian officers, abolished the colonies of the veterans. You deduced by law and the decree of the senate and promised to restore to the Mussilienses what you had taken from them by the force of arms. You have forgotten that by the Hirtian Law, no one on Pompey's side that lived should bear any office of dignity. You bribed Brutus with the money of Apuleia. You praised Patus and Menedrusus who were punished with the axe after a city was given to them and who were guests of Caesar. You neglected Theopompus who was destitute and forced to flee from Trebonius into Alexandria. You saw Serpius Galba surrounded in his camp by the same swordbearer. You have contracted either mine or the veteran soldiers to punish those who had killed Caesar. Before they were aware, you had brought them into danger of the quaestor or emperor or their own fellow soldiers. In summary what have you not approved or done? What could Pompey himself do if he were alive or his son if he could be at home? Last of all, you deny that a peace can be made unless I either send Brutus or furnish you with grain. What? Does this please those veterans who have all things entirely because you come with flattering and venomous gifts? You aid the besieged soldiers. I will let them go where they please, so they will deliver him to execution who deserves it. You say a peace was decreed in the senate and write that five consular delegates were appointed. It is difficult for me to believe that those who would have precipitated me when I brought in conditions of the highest equity and yet thinking to remit something of them too, will act in anything either moderately or fairly. It is scarce likely that those who condemned Dolabella for justice, as a crime, would spare us who are of the same opinion. Therefore rather consider whether it be better and more profitable to both sides to prosecute the death of Caesar or Trebonius. See whether it be more fair that we combine that so it may be more easy for us to revive the cause of Pompey that has been so often quashed or to agree lest we become a Ludibrium to our enemies, to whomever prevail, our quarrel will be again. A spectacle that fortune has avoided to see two armies of one body fight (Cicero being the fencer.) Cicero is so skilled in speaking that he will deceive you in the very same way in which Caesar's gold is gloried. For my part, I am resolved neither to bear my own, nor my soldiers' and friends' disgrace. Nor will I forsake that side that Pompey hated, nor to allow the veterans to be moved from their colonies, nor to be drawn one by one to execution, nor to betray Plaucus, the partner in our counsels. If the immortal gods, as I hope they will, shall assist me with my right wits, I will live free. But if other fortune is allotted me, I foretell to you the joy of your own punishments. For if the side of Pompey which is now being conquered, is so insolent, what you shall experience what they will become conquerors. To close, the sum of my opinion is this. I could be content to endure the injuries to me and my side if they would but forget they were done, or were prepared together with us, to revenge Caesar's death. I do not believe that any ambassadors will come. Where the war comes, and, when it comes, what it will require, I would joyfully know.''

5201. When the ambassadors who were sent from the senate to Antony to make peace, they were unable to reach an agreement. The whole city of Rome (even those that did not go to the war) put on their soldier's uniforms and made a general muster through all Italy. The armies of A. Hirtius and Caius Caesar, the propraetor, were sent against Antony. {Cicero, Philippic. 6, 10, 13.} {Livy, l. 118.} { Appian. l. 3. p. 567.} {Dio. l. 46. p. 311, 312.} From the start of this campaign against M. Antony, Eusebius and Cassiodorus derive the start of the government of Caesar Octavian. They assign for it, 56 years and 6 months.

5202. Caius Antony was defeated at a battle which was fought by the Byllis River, by Cicero's son, a captain of Brutus. A little later his soldiers surrendered Antony and themselves to Brutus. For a long time, Brutus very honourably entertained Antony even so much that he did not take from him the ensigns of his office. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5203. M. Brutus received three legions from Illyricum from Vatinius whom by a decree of the senate, he succeeded in the province of Illyricum. Brutus also received one that he took from Antony in Macedonia and four others, which he had gathered. In all, he had eight legions and in them many of C. Caesar's old veterans. Moreover, he had a large number of cavalry, lightly armed men and archers. He praised the Macedonians and trained them after the Italian manner. {Appian, l. 4. p. 632. 633.}

5204. As Brutus was gathering soldiers and money, he had some good fortune in Thracia. Polemocratia, the wife of a certain king who was killed by his enemies, was afraid lest some harm should come to her son. She went to Brutus and commended her son to him and gave her husband's treasure to him. He committed the lad to the Cyzicenians to be raised until he had time to restore him to his father's kingdom. In these treasures, he found a large quantity of gold and silver, which he coined. {Appian, l. 4. p. 613.}

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5205. After C. Cassius had seized Syria, he travelled toward Judea because he heard that the soldiers that were left in Egypt by Caesar were coming there. He won these troops and the Jews easily to his side. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} He surrounded Palestina Allienus, the lieutenant of Dolabella, as he returned from Egypt with four Legions before he was aware of him. He forced Allienus to take his side since Allienus did not dare to oppose his eight legions with the four he had. Hence, Cassius controlled 12 legions in all. This was more than he hoped for. As well as, he had some Parthian cavalry who were archers. He was held in high esteem with the Parthians ever since the time that he was the quaestor for Crassus and they thought him to be wiser than Crassus. {Appian, l. 3. p. 576., l. 4. p. 623, 624.}

5206. As soon as he had received these forces that A. Allienus had brought from Egypt, Cassius wrote these letters to Cicero concerning these forces. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 11, 12.} This letter was dated on the 7th (nones) of March, from the camp at Tarichaea in Galilee.

C. Casius Proconsul, sends hearty commendations to M. Tullius Cicero.

``If you are in good health, it is well. I indeed am in good health. Know that I am come into Syria to the generals, L. Murcus and Q. Crispus, both are valiant men and good citizens. As soon as they heard what things happened at Rome, they turned over their forces to me. They, together with me, govern the state with a constant resolution. Know also that the legion that Q. Cacilius Bassus had, came to me. Know also that the four legions that A. Allienus brought from Egypt, were turned over to me by him. I do not think that you need any encouragement to defend both us who are absent and the state, as much as lies in your power. I would have you know that there is not lacking for you and the senate strong help that you may defend the state with great hopes and a constant mind. Other things, L. Cartcius my close friend shall deal with you. Farewell. Date. the Nones of March, from the camp at Tarishea.''

5207. After these things, Cassius dismissed Bassus, Crispus and the rest that would not serve under him. He did not harm them in any way. He left Statius Murcus with his office that he had originally and committed the charge of his navy to him. Thus Dio stated. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} Although it appears from Cassius' own letters to Cicero that Crispus was firmly loyal to him. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 11, 12.}

5208. Cassius exacted 700 talents of silver from Judea (not of gold, as it is read in the 45th chapter of the Jewish Histories, as recorded in Arabic, by the Parisiens, in the Bible of many languages.) When Antipater saw his state was in trouble, he feared Cassius' threats. Antipater appointed two of his sons to gather part of the money, Malichus, a Jew who was his enemy, to gather another part and some others to gather the rest. Herod brought first of all 100 talents from Galilee, which he governed, and was greatly favoured by Cassius. It was considered a good policy even then, to win the favour of the Romans at the expense of other men. Under the other governors, the cities were put up for sale along with their inhabitants. The four main cities were Gopha, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamma. Cassius sold the common people of these cities into slavery. Cassius was also so greatly enraged so that he was about to put Malichus to death, but Hyrcanus sent 100 talents by Antipater and appeased his fury. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 9., Antiq. l. 14, c. 18.}

5209. Caesar Octavian finished the war against Antony that was committed to him, in three months. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 10.} The war was so well managed by him about Mutina that when as he was only twenty years old, Decimus Brutus was freed from the seige and Antony was forced to leave Italy by a dishonourable flight and without his baggage. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 61.} Cicero described the battle in his writings. {Cicero, Philippics, 14} Ser. Galba, who was in the battle, in the beginning of his letters to Cicero, {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 10. epist. 30.} stated that the battle was fought 16 days before May (17th calends). So that from the third day after the victory of Mutina, they seem to start the time of Caesar Octavian. They reckon it to be 56 years, four months, and one day. This may be seen in Theophilus Antiochenus, in his book to Autolycus and Clement Alexandria, {Clement, l. 10. Stromatum} if the errors of his printer are corrected who wrote 46 for 56.

5210. A. Hirtius, the consul (the writer of the Alexandrian and African war, that was fought by Julius Caesar) died in the battle. The other consul Pansa died from his wounds a little later. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 25.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} {Brutus, ibid. l. 11, epist. 9.} {Livy l. 119.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2, c. 61 &c} Tibullus assigns this date the birthday in a poem. {Tibullus, l. 3. Elegic 5.} Ovid in {Tristium, l. 4. Elegic 10.} wrote:

``When both the consuls fell with the same fate.''

5211. Both the armies of the slain consuls obeyed Caesar. {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}

5212. The senate was very ungrateful to Caesar, who alone survived of the three generals. In a triumph that was decreed to Decimus Brutus, for being freed from the siege at Mutina by Caesar, the senate made no special mention of Caesar and his army. {Livy, l. 119.} {Velleius, Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.} The ambassadors who were freed, were sent to the army and were ordered to speak to the soldiers when Octavian was out of the way. The army was not so ungrateful as the senate was. When Caesar bore this wrong quietly, the soldiers said they would not obey any commands unless their general was present. Without a doubt, they would have taken the legions from Octavian which he had except that they were afraid publicly to decree this. They knew very well the loyalty and love the soldiers had toward Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 317, 318.}

5213. The Tarsenses, of their own accord, called Dolabella into Cilicia, as did those of Laodicea into Syria. (??) {Cassius Parmensis. ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 13.}

5214. When Dolabella was about to leave Asia, he sent five cohorts into Chersonesus. Brutus easily captured these because he had five legions, very good cavalry and numerous auxiliaries. {Cicero, ad Brutum, epist. 2. (dated 13 or 11 days before (12 or 14 calends) May)} Dolabella left Asia by land with two legions and Lucius Figulus followed him with the navy. {Appian, l. 4. p. 624.}

5215. Four days before (5th calends) of May, the senate debated making war on them that were considered enemies of the state. Servilius, a tribune of the people, thought that Cassius should make war on Dolabella. Caesar agreed and decreed that M. Brutus also should pursue Dolabella, if he thought it profitable and for the good of the state. Brutus should do what he thought was best for the state. Nothing was decreed about Cassius neither as yet were there any letters come to Rome from him. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 5.} Cassius showed the reasons for the delay in his letters to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 12.}

5216. Dolabella went into Cilicia and Tarsus freely yielded to him. He defeated some forces of Cassius that were in Egae. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5217. Cassius was then in Palestine {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.} from where he wrote his second letter to Cicero, dated the 7th (nones) of May from the camp. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 12.} He described the state of his affairs like this:

``I have all the armies that were in Syria. I made some delay, while I paid the soldiers those things I promised them, but now I have nothing to hinder me.''

5218. He then exhorted Cicero that he would defend the dignity of his soldiers and of the generals, Murcus and Crispus. He added:

``I have heard by letters that were written that Dolabella was come into Cilicia with all his forces. I will go into Cilicia. Whatever I shall do, I will do my best to give you speedy notice of it. I willingly wish that we may deserve health of the state and so we shall be happy.''

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5219. As soon as Cassius left Judea, Malichus plotted Antipater's death. He thought that by his death, Hyrcanus' government would be more secure. When Antipater found out about the plot, he went beyond Jordan and gathered an army from the inhabitants there and from the Arabians. Malichus was an astute politician and denied that he intended any treason and swore before Antipater and his sons that no such thing ever entered his mind. This was especially true since Phasaclus had a garrison in Jerusalem and Herod had the army at his command. So he was reconciled to Antipater. Murcus, the governor of Syria wanted to execute him but Antipater spared his life. Later Murcus found out that Malichus was going around to create a rebellion against Rome in Judea. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 18.}

5220. When Cassius and Murcus had gathered an army, they made Herod governor of all Coelosyria. They gave him large forces of foot soldiers, cavalry, and naval ships. They promised him the kingdom of Judea after the war was ended that they had against Antony and the young Caesar. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 19.}

5221. Cassius made many tyrants in Syria. Marion also the tyrant of the Tyrians was left by Cassius and he ruled in Syria. Marion put out the garrisons that were there and captured three citadels in Galilee that were next to Syria. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 21.}

5222. A certain Cytheraean wrote to Satrius, the lieutenant of C. Trebonius, that Dolabella was killed by Tullius and Dejotarus and that his army was routed. This Greek letter about this matter was sent by Brutus to Cicero, sixteen days before (17th calends) June. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 6.} This turned out to be false.

5223. Dolabella left Asia and went through Cilicia into Syria. He was refused entry into Antioch by the garrison that defended the city. {Dio, l. 47. p. 433.} He tried many times to enter by force but was always repulsed with the loss of men. After he had lost about an hundred men, he left behind him many sick and he fled by night from Antioch toward Laodicea. That night almost all the soldiers that he had enrolled in Asia, left him. Some returned to Antioch and surrendered to those whom Callius had left there to control the city. Some went down the hill Amanus into Cilicia. Of these, thirty came into Pamphilia. They were told that Cassius, with all his forces, was only four day's journey away just at the time when Dolabella was arriving there. {P. Lentulus, ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.}

5224. Dolabella had intelligence about Cassius' forces, and he came to Laodicea, a city that was friendly to him. It was located on a peninsula and faced toward the continent. It was well fortified and had a good harbour facing the sea. It was very convenient for bringing in provisions and also very opportune for sailing out when and where they pleased. {Appian, l. 4. p. 624.} He did not take this city by assault because the citizens truly surrendered themselves to him for the love they had to the former Caesar. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5225. At Jerusalem, when Antipater feasted at Hyrcanus' house, Malichus bribed the king's butler and poisoned Antipater. He gathered a band of soldiers and seized the government of the city. Phasaelus and Herod were very angry and Malichus firmly denied all things. Herod planned to soon revenge his father's death and to raise an army for that purpose. However, Phasaclus thought it better to defeat Malichus by craft lest Herod should start a civil war. Phasaelus therefore accepted Malichus' defence and pretended to believe him that Malichus was not involved in his father's death. Malichus built a splendid monument for Antipater. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 19.}

5226. Meanwhile, Herod went to Samaria and found it in a desperate situation. He restored order and subdued the dissentions that were among the inhabitants. Not long after this when the feast of Pentecost was approaching, he came into the city of Jerusalem with soldiers. Malichus was afraid and persuaded Hyrcanus not to allow him to enter. Hyrcanus did this under the pretence that among the holy people, it was not lawful to bring in a mixed multitude of profane men. Herod discounted this excuse and entered the city by night. This greatly terrified Malichus. Thereupon, according to his hypocrisy he publicly bewailed with tears the death of Antipater as his great friend. Therefore it was thought good by Herod's friends to take no notice of this hypocrisy but courteously again to entertain Malichus. Herod sent letters to Cassius notifying him of Antipater's death. Cassius knew all too well what kind of man Malichus was and wrote back to Herod that he might revenge his father's death. He secretly ordered the tribunes that were at Tyre, that they should help Herod in doing this. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 19, & 20.}

5227. In Gaul, three days before (4th calends) June, M. Lepidus allied himself with M. Antony. {Plancus ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 10. epist. 23.}

5228. When D. Lentulus, the proquestor of Asia and propraetor extraordinary, saw that Brutus was slow getting into Asia and that Dolabella had left Asia, he thought it best to return as soon as he could from Macedonia to his office. Then he would be able to collect the tribute that was owing and gather up the money that he had left there and send it to Rome. In the meanwhile, as he was sailing about the islands, it was told him that the navy of Dolabella was in Cilicia, (or Lycia) and that the Rhodians had furnished him many ships and already were launched. Therefore he, with those ships that he had or which Patiscus, the ordinary Praetor of Asia had provided, returned to Rhodes. He relied on the decree of the senate by which Dolabella was counted as an enemy and to the league that was renewed with the Rhodians. The Rhodians would not strengthen the proquestor's with their ships. The soldiers were forbidden to come into the city or the port or Rhodes. They were prevented from getting any provisions or even fresh water. Even he had a difficult time getting into the city with his ship. When Lentulus was brought into their city and the elders, he could obtain nothing from them. He complained of this in public letters he sent to the senate and in the private ones he sent to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 14, 15.}

5229. While Lentulus and Patiscus were detained at Rhodes, Sex. Marius, and C. Titius, the lieutenants of Dolabella found out about their coming and soon fled in a galley from the navy from Cilicia, (or Lycia.) They left their cargo ships which they had spent much time gathering. There were more than an hundred cargo ships and the smallest could carry 2000 tons. Dolabella had provided them for this purpose. If his hopes in Syria and Egypt were frustrated, then he might use these ships to transport all his soldiers and all his money and go directly into Italy. He would ally himself with the two Antonys that were relatives. Therefore Lentulus and Patiscus came there from Rhodes with the ships that they had. They captured all those cargo ships and restored them to their rightful owners. From there, they pursued the navy that fled as far as Sida, the remotest country of the province of Asia. They knew that some of Dolabella's fleet had fled there and that the rest had sailed into Syria and Cyprus, (or Egypt.) These were scattered. When Lentulus heard that Cassius had a very large fleet that was prepared in Syria, he returned to his office. {P. Lentulus, ut supra.}

5230. However, Patiscus and Cassius Parmensis assembled a fleet from the sea coast of the province of Asia and from all the islands they could get ships from. They soon had sailers although the cities were very uncooperative. They pursued the fleet of Dolabella which Lucilius commanded. They encouraged them in the hope that Lucilius would surrender and they sailed as fast as they could. Finally, Lucilius came to Corycus in Pamphilia and burned the harbour and stayed there. Therefore they left Corycus and thought it best to go to Cassius' camp. Another fleet that Tullius Cimber had assembled the previous year in Bithynia under the command of Turulius, the quaestor was following them and so they came to Cyprus. (??) {Cassius Parmensis ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 13.}

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5231. Cicero received letters about the affairs of Dolabella and of his arrival into the city of Laodicea. There are extant two letters written to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12.} That is the fourteenth from P. Lentulus from Pamphylia on the 2nd (4th of nones) of June. This was not three days before June, (4th of calends) as appears from the following letter to the senate. It refers us to the one which was dated at Perga, and the thirteenth that was later sent from Cassius on the 13th (ides) of June from Cyprus. In the first letter, Cassius tells of the trouble that Dolabella was in after he entered Laodicea.

``I hope I shall quickly bring him to punishment, for neither has he any place to flee to, nor can he resist so great an army as Cassius has.''

5232. The other letter was from Cassius (if I be not mistaken) Parmensis, who was also one of the murderers of Julius Caesar. He wrote that taunting letter to Octavian, as mentioned by Suetonius (Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 4.} and was not from Cassius Longinus, who then held the office of proconsul of Syria of whom he also mentioned at the end of this letter. From him we have a more accurate description of Dolabella's camp:

``The Tarsenses are very bad allies and the citizens of Laodicea, much more mad. Of their own accord they sent for Dolabella. He had gotten a number of Greek soldiers from both cities and made a kind of an army. He has placed his camp before the city of Laodicea and has broken down part of the wall. He has joined his camp to the town. Our Cassius with ten legions, twenty companies of auxiliaries and 4000 cavalry has his camp at Palium within twenty miles. He thinks he may defeat him without once striking a stroke for wheat is now selling for three tetradrachmas in Dolabella's camp. Unless he has gotten some supplies by the ships of Laodicea, he must shortly perish from famine. He cannot supply himself because of the large navy which Cassius has under the command of Quintilius Rufus. Those ships that I, Turulius, and Patiscus have brought, will easily assist him.''

5233. Dolabella had been at Laodicea some time in good estate. His navy had followed him quickly from Asia. (??) He went to the Aradians to receive from them money and shipping. He was surprised by a few soldiers and was in extreme danger. As he fled, he met the army of Cassius and was defeated. He retired to Laodicea. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5234. Cassius feared that Dolabella might escape from there and raised a rampart a quarter mile long across the isthmus. It was made with stones and materials brought from the villages that were outside the city and from the sepulchres. He sent messengers to request ships from Phoenicia, Lycia and Rhodes. They were slighted by all of them except the Sidonians. He engaged in a naval battle with Dolabella in which, after the loss of many ships on both sides, five together with all the sailors were taken by Dolabella. {Appian. l. 4. p. 624.}

5235. Again, Cassius sent messengers to those that had slighted his first commands and to Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt and to Serapion who commanded her forces in Cyprus. The tyrants and Aradians and Serapion, without the queen's advice, sent as many ships as they had. The queen excused herself and said that the Egyptians were troubled with famine and pestilence and so sent no ships at all. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.} Also the Rhodians denied they would help in anything toward the civil wars. They said that even those ships that they had given to Dolabella, were only to transport him and they did not know if he used them for war or not. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.}

5236. The Tarsenses tried to keep Tullius Cimber (who was also one of Caesar's murderers) from crossing the Taurus Mountains as he was hurrying to help Cassius. They through fear that Cimber had large forces with him, left the passes and made an agreement with him. Later when they knew the small size of his force, they refused him entrance into their city and did not supply him with provisions. Therefore Cimber thought it better to take his forces to Cassius than to assault Tarsus. He built a fort against them and returned into Syria. When the Tarsenses went there with soldiers they seized the citadel and attacked the city Adana. (It was close to them and they always had a controversy with it because they said they favoured Cassius' side.) When Cassius knew of this, he sent L. Rufus against the Tarsenses. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.}

5237. After Cassius had repaired his fleet as best as he could and after Statius Murcus arrived with the navy he had assembled, he had two more naval battles with Dolabella. In the first, there were equal losses on both sides. In the second battle, he was more successful. On land he had finished his rampart. He brought the battery rams to the walls. Dolabella was prevented from getting supplies by land or sea. Lacking supplies, he soon made an attack but was driven back into the town. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 615.}

5238. Cassius was unable to bribe the night watch whom Marsus commanded. He bribed the day watch whom Quintius commanded so that while Marsus slept by day, Cassius got in by some of the smaller gates and the city was taken. Dolabella asked one of his guard to cut his throat and then escape. The guard cut Dolabella's throat then cut his own. {Appian, l. 4. p. 465., l. 5. p. 673.} We read in the first Suasory of M. Seneca that Dellias (or Q. Dellias, the historian):

``was about to go from Dolabella to Cassius to secure for his own safety if he should kill Dolabella.''

5239. Thus Dolabella was forced to commit suicide by Cassius at Laodicea. {Livy. l. 121.} {Strabo. l. 16. p. 752.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.} {Dio, l. 47, p. 345.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} Marsus also committed suicide {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.} as did M. Octavian, the lieutenant of Dolabella. Cassius afforded them a proper burial although they cast out Trebonius unburied. Those that had followed the camp, although they were declared enemies at Rome, he both gave them quarter and immunity. He did not punish Laodicea any more than by imposing a sum of money on them. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.} Although Appian says that he plundered both the temples and treasury and exacted very large tribute from the rest. Also that he executed every noble man and so brought that city to a most miserable state. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625. 626.}

5240. Cassius commanded the army of Dolabella to take the military oath of loyalty to him. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.} Then he went to Tarsus. When he saw that the Tarsenses had already surrendered to Rufus, he fined them in all the private and public money and laid no other punishment on them. {Dio. l. 47. p. 345.} He imposed a most heavy tax on them of 1500 talents. Thereupon for lack of money when the soldiers violently tried to collect it, they were forced to sell all their public and sacred ornaments and broke down the sacred and the dedicated things. When this was not enough to pay the sum, the magistrates sold those that were born free, first virgins and boys. Later they sold women and old men which fetched very little. Finally they sold the young men, many of whom killed themselves. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.}

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5241. After the capture of Laodicea, the governors came from every place and brought crowns and presents to Cassius. Herod expected that Malichus should be here punished for the murder of his father Antipater. However, Malichus suspected this and thought to make the Phoenicians about Tyre to revolt. Since his son was kept in that city as an hostage, he thought to steal him away privately into Judea. While Cassius was preparing for war against Antony, he would stir the Jews to revolt from the Romans and to depose Hyrcanus, and get the kingdom for himself. Herod was a shrewd politician and when he knew of this treachery, he invited both Malichus and Hyrcanus with their companions to supper. At that time he sent out one of his servants under the pretence to provide for the banquet. However, he sent him to the tribunes that they might kill Malichus. The tribunes remembered the orders of Cassius and went out and found him near the city on the shore. They ran him through and killed him. Hyrcanus was so astonished that he fainted. He had barely come to himself when he asked who killed Malichus. One of the tribunes said that it was done by the orders of Cassius. Then Hyrcanus replied:

``truly Cassius has preserved me and my country, by killing the one who was a traitor to both,''

5242. In is uncertain whether he spoke from fear or if he approved of the action. {Josephus, Wars, c. 9., Antiq. l. 14. c. 20.}

5243. The day before July, M. Lepidus was decreed an enemy of the state because he entertained Antony. Also the rest that had revolted from the state were declared as enemies. The law was to come into effect before the first of September. (??) Thus Cicero wrote to C. Cassius, the relative of Lepidus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 10.} He added:

``we had gallantly overcome all had not Lepidus entertained Antony after he was pillaged, disarmed and fleeing. Therefore Antony was never so much hated by the city as Lepidus. He raised war from a state that was in troubles but Lepidus when it was in peace and quiet.''

5244. In the same letter Cicero showed that he received letters from Cassius, dated from the camp, the 7th (nones) of March. Cassius stated he held Syria and that he prepared for his expedition into Cilicia against Dolabella. The news of the success of that expedition and of the defeat of Dolabella had not yet reached Rome. He had written to Caesar of his returning to favour as in like manner Brutus had done to the senate concerning the state of affairs. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} Brutus, in his letters sent to Caesar, persuaded him to resist Antony and to side with him. {Dio, l. 47. p. 340.} However, in his letters to Cicero, Brutus said something quite different for when Cicero had wrote to Caesar:

``that there was one thing desired and expected from him that he would let those citizens live in quiet whom good men and the people of Rome thought well of.''

5245. In a rage, Brutus wrote back again to Cicero:

``What if he will not, shall we not be? It is better not to live, than to live by his means. I, by my loyalty do not think all the gods, to be so averse from the safety of the people of Rome, that Octavian must be intreated for the safety of one private citizen. I will not say for the deliverers of the whole world.'' {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 16.}

5246. When the senate was informed of the affairs of Cassius, it confirmed the government of Syria on him, (which he then held) and committed the war against Dolabella to him, (which they knew to have been already ended.) {Dio, l. 47. p. 343, 344.} So all governments beyond the sea were committed to the care of Brutus and Cassius. A decree was issued that all the provinces and armies from the Ionian Sea, to the east, who obeyed the Romans, should be obedient to these two. The senate approved of all the things that they had done and praised those armies that had surrendered to them. {Velleius Paterculus, l. c. 62.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 567, 568.}

5247. Octavian saw that the actions of the senate were obviously to the advantage of Pompey's side and to the detriment of Caesar's. He thought it a disgrace that Decimus Brutus instead of himself, was chosen as general for the war against Antony. He concealed his discontent and he requested a triumph for the victory at Mutina. He was slighted by the senate as though he demanded greater things than were suitable for his age. He feared lest that if Antony should be utterly vanquished, he should be more slighted. He began to have some thoughts of siding with Antony according to the advice which Pansa gave him on his death bed. {Appian, l. 3. p. 568.} An agreement with Antony was made by M. Lepidus. {Livy, l. 119.} {Orosius, 6. c. 18.}

5248. Between these three therefore the alliance for controlling the government started. They started by sending letters among themselves and mentioned how they were treated. Antony warned Caesar, how formidable enemies, Pompey's side were to him and to what an height they had come. Brutus and Cassius were extolled by Cicero. Antony told Caesar that he would join his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were commanders of 17 legions, if Caesar refused his alliance. He said moreover that Caesar ought more to revenge the death of his father than he the death of his friend. By the advice and entreaty of the armies, there was an alliance made between Antony and Caesar. The daughter-in-law of Antony was betrothed to Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.} She was Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, by a former husband, P. Clodius, and was scarcely of marriageable age. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 62.}

5249. When the agreement was made with M. Antony, M. Lepidus, then Octavian sent 400 soldiers to Rome to demand the consulship for him in the name of the army. When the senate began to vacillate, Cornelius, a centurion, the leader of the men that brought the message, thrust his soldier's coat behind him and showed the hilt of his sword. He boldly said before the senate:

``This shall do it, if you will not do it:''

5250. The senate was compelled by Octavian's soldiers. Octavian went toward Rome with them. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 26.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 582.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 319.}

5251. While he was on his journey, the praetors placed guards in various places of the city and seized Janiculum with a guard of soldiers they had already in the city and with two legions that had come from Africa. When Octavian entered the city, the praetors came down from Janiculum and surrendered themselves and their soldiers to him. The legions voluntarily gave their ensigns to him. {Appian, l. 3. p. 584, 585.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 320.} In the month of August, the legions that were brought from Janiculum, followed Octavian as it is in the decree of the senate. {Macrobius, Saturnal, l. 1. c. 12.}

5252. On the first day of the choosing of consuls, as Octavian was making an augury in the field of Mars, six vultures appeared to him. When he was selected as consul and spoke to the soldiers from the rostrum, six vultures (some say twelve) appeared again. This was what happened to Remulus in his auguries when he was about to build Rome. Based on this, he hoped that he would found the monarchy. {Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 95.} {Appian, l. 3. p 586.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 320.} After he was chosen as consul, those with him fled to Quintus Pedius, his colleague. He gave Octavian his portion from the inheritance of Julius Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 95.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 586.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 320.}

5253. Livy said that he was made consul when he was only 19 years old. {Livy, l. 119.} However, Suetonius more correctly wrote that he became the consul in the 20th year of his age. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 16.} Eutropius {Eutropius, l. 7.} which also Plutarch confirms {Plutarch, in Octavian} in this writing from Brutus:

``his army being planted about the city, he received the consulship, being scarcely come to a man's estate being but twenty years old, as he relates in his own commentaries.''

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5254. Velleius wrote: {Valleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.}

``he was made consul, the day before he was twenty years old, nine days (10th calends) before October''

5255. However, Velleius was mistaken in the day he became consul. For there lacked an whole month and five days before Octavian turned 20. He was not born in the month of September but he first obtained the consulship in August from whence the month Sextilus was called August as it is shown from Suetonius {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {Dio, l. 50. p. 552.} and from the decree of the senate as recorded by Macrobius. {Macrobius, Saturnal. l. 1. c. 12.}

5256. Dio noted that on the 19th day of the month of August, he was made consul the first time and that he died the same day. {Dio, l. 56. p. 590.} From this observation in Tacitus, {Tacitus, Annals, l. 1. c. 9.} arose:

``The same day was the beginning of his acceptance of the empire and the last of his life.''

5257. His empire is not incorrectly started from this first consulship which he extorted from the senate against their will, as it is in Tacitus, {Tacitus, Annals, l. 1. c. 10.} and laid it down at his own pleasure. Octavian hypocritically thanked the senate and pretended that he accounted it a benefit that those things which he extorted by force as if they were offered to him of their own accord. The senators bragged that they had conferred these things on him of their own accord. Moreover, they gave to him whom they did not think worthy of the consulship, that after his consulship was over, whenever he commanded the army he would have precedence over the consuls. The consuls commanded the other armies to obey him whom they had threatened to punish because he had gathered forces by his own private authority. The senate assigned the legions of Brutus to Octavian to disgrace Brutus and for the repressing of whom the war against Antony was committed to him. In short the custody of the city was given to him and it was granted that he should have power even without any prescription from the law, to do whatever he wanted. {Dio, l. 46. p. 321.} He retained this power as long as he lived, for the next 56 years. There was good reason why Brutus warned Cicero about this: {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 4.}

``I am afraid, lest your Caesar will think himself to have risen so high by your decrees that he will scarcely come down again if he is once made a consul.''

5258. Octavian was not content with the former adoption made by the last will of Julius Caesar and had it confirmed by a decree of the people (which Antony had prevented the previous year) in a full assembly of their wards. He then assumed by public authority the name of C. Julius Caesar Octavian. {Appian, l. 3. p. 586.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 321. 322.}

5259. Octavian soon passed another law that he absolved Dolabella, (whose death was not yet known in Rome), who was declared an enemy by the senate and sentenced to die for the death of Caesar. {Appian, l. 3. p. 586.} Octavian did this so that it might be thought that he did nothing by force but by law. Quintus Paedius, his colleague in the consulship, made the law called Paedia which decreed that all those who were involved in the murder of Caesar, would be banished and their goods confiscated. {Livy, l. 120.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.} {Suetonius, in Nero, c. 3.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 322.} He appointed L. Cornificius to accuse M. Brutus and M. Agrippa to accuse C. Cassius. They were absent and were condemned without any hearing of their case. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} Capito, the eunuch of Velleius Paterculus, one of the senatorial order, supported M. Agrippa against C. Cassius. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.}

5260. Decimus Brutus, one of the murderers also of Caesar and was absent, was also condemned. By the orders of M. Antony, in the house of a certain guest of his who was a noble man called Camelius, Decimus was killed by Capenus, a Burgundian, a year and an half after the death of Caesar. {Livy, l. 120.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 64.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 588.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} Cicero said Decimus excelled in this kind of virtue: {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 11. epist. 21.}

``he never was afraid nor ever disturbed''

5261. However, Seneca stated {Seneca, epist. 82.} that he showed a cowardly fear when facing death. To encourage him, Helvius Blasio, a man who always loved him because they always were fellow soldiers, killed himself. Decimus witnessed this and was strengthened so he could endure his own death. {Dio, l. 46. p. 325.} Camelius sent the head of the dead Brutus to Antony. When he saw it, he gave it to his friends to bury. {Appian, l. 3. p. 388.}

5262. Trebonius was the next to die for the murder of Caesar. He was the closest friend with the murders and he thought it best to keep those things that he had received from Caesar even though he thought Caesar must die who gave those things to him. While Caesar was alive, Trebonius was the master of the cavalry and commanded the farther Gaul. He was also elected consul by Caesar in the following year after the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa and was also made governor of nearer Gaul. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. p. 64.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 388.}

5263. Also at the same time, Minutius Basillus, one of the murderers of Caesar, was killed by his own servants because in his anger he had castrated some of them. {Appian, l. 3. p. 388.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}

3962a AM, 4671 JP, 43 BC

5264. When M. Brutus had appeased the army that was likely to rebel by the instigation of C. Antony at Apollonia along with C. Clodius, (??) Brutus went into the higher Macedonia with the largest and strongest part of his army and from there crossed into Asia. He wanted to take them as far away from Italy as possible so that he could better control the troops. In Asia, he received many auxiliaries including those from Dejotarus, a man that was now very old and who formerly had denied help to C. Cassius. {Dio. l. 47. p. 340, 341.}

5265. M. Antony and M. Lepidus left their lieutenants in Gaul and went to Caesar in Italy with the largest and best part of the army. {Dio, l. 46. p. 325.} When those three armies met at Bononia, an eagle sat on the tent of Caesar and drove off two crows that troubled her to the ground. All the army noted this and thought it portended that a time was coming when there would be a difference arise between the colleagues and that Caesar would get the victory over them both. {Dio. l. 47. p. 328.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 96.}

5266. These three had a three day private conference at the confluences around Bononia and Mutina in a certain little island that is made by the Lavinius River. They made peace among themselves and agreed that they should jointly govern the state's affairs for five years. {Livy, 120.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 6.} {Plutarch, in Cicero, Antony} {Appian, l. 4. p. 589, 590.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 325, 326.}

5267. Here by a common decree they decided these things. Caesar would turn over the consulship to Ventidius for the rest of the year. A new office of the triumviri would be established to avoid all civil disorder. Lepidus along with Antony and Caesar would hold that office for five years with consular power. The triumviri would immediately be annual magistrates for the city for five years. The provinces should be so divided that Antony should have all Gaul as well as Togara on this side the Alps and Comata on the other side excluding the province of Narbon. Lepidus should have the command of Narbon together with Spain. Africa, along with Sardinia and Sicily should be Caesar's share. Thus was the Roman Empire divided among the triumviri. They deferred the division of the provinces over which Brutus and Cassius commanded. Moreover it was agreed among them that they should put to death their enemies and that Lepidus should for the following year be chosen consul in the place of Decimus Brutus. He would have the guard of Rome and all Italy and that Antony and Caesar would carry on the war against Brutus and Cassius. {Appian, l. 4. p. 590.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 326.}

5268. On the third day, the triumviri entered Rome, each separately with his praetorian cohort and one legion. When Publius Titius, the tribune of the people, called an assembly of the wards, he passed a law for the establishing of the new office. The triumviri were given consular power for five years to restore order to the state. {Appian, l. 4. p. 592, 593.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 328.}

5269. When the triumviri arrived, Cicero left the city and was assured which also come to pass that he could no more escape Antony than Brutus and Cassius could escape Caesar. {Livy with Seneca in a speech, Suasoria. 7.)

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5270. M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. Antony and Caesar Octavian, four days before December (5th calends) began the triumvirate. This was to continue to the days before the month of January which was to be six years (or of the sixth year following.) This appears from the Collation Marble. {in inscription Gruteri, p. 198.} At that time, M. Terentius Varro saw Rome rise up with three heads. From that time, Suetonius {Suetonius, Octavian, c. 8.} and Eutropius, {Eutropius, l. 7.} derive the beginning of the government of Caesar Octavian. This was almost 12 years (less three months) before the victory at Actium from which they begin his monarchy.

5271. On the 7th (7th ides) of December when Caesar Octavian substituted himself and Quintus Paedius for the consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius, Marcus Cicero was killed by some that were sent from M. Antony. The writer of the dialogue of the causes of corrupted eloquence confirms from the writings of Tiro, a freed man of Cicero's which is ascribed to C. Tacitus. This was the end of his life who was the first that in peace deserved the triumph and laurel of the tongue and was the father of eloquence and Latin learning. Julius Caesar had previously written about him that he had obtained a laurel far beyond all triumphs and by how much it is a greater matter to have extended the bounds of the Roman learning than of the empire. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 30.} These things are recorded about Cicero by these writers. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 66} {Seneca, in Suasoris oration 7} {Plutarch, in Cicero, fin.}

5272. Cleopatra brought no forces to Cassius although he demanded auxiliaries from her by threats. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.}

5273. While Brutus was in Asia, Gellius Publicola conspired against Cassius (??) and in Macedonia Gellius' brother, Marcus, sent some for this purpose to get Caius Antony. Therefore Caius Clodius who was left as Antony's guard, killed him when he could no longer keep him safe. He did this on either his own authority or by the orders of Brutus. It is reported that Brutus had a great concern for the safety of C. Antony. After he knew of Brutus' death, he took no more care of him. However, Antony did not punish Gellius although he was guilty of treason against him. He knew that Brutus always considered him among his closest friends and that Marcus Messala, his brother, was very nearly allied to Cassius. Therefore he let him alone. (??) {Dio, l. 49. p. 341.}

5274. As soon as Brutus knew of the acts of M. Antony and the death of Caius Antony, he feared lest there be some new rebellion arise in Macedonia. He hurried back into Europe. {Dio, l. 49. p. 341.}

5275. The triumviri at Rome decreed the construction of a temple to Isis and Serapis. {Dio, l. 49. p. 336.}

5276. When Octavian had resigned the consulship and his colleague Q. Paedius was dead, the triumviri created consul, P. Ventidius (Bassa) the praetor along with C. Curtinus. This may be shown from the inscription in Gruterus. {Gruterus, from the Collation marble, p. 297.} They gave the praetorship to one who was aedile and afterwards removed all the praetors from their office, five days before the office was to expire. They sent them into the provinces and appointed others in their places. {Dio, l. 49. p. 335.} This is what Paterculus referred to: {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.}

``This year saw Ventidius, both as consul and praetor in that city, through which he was led in a triumph to Picencium among the captives.''

5277. He was led in triumph. This is described in more detail by {Valerius Maximus, l. 6. c. 9.} {A. Gellius, l. 15. c. 4.} {Pliny, l. 7. c. 43.} Maxiumus added that he got his living when he was a young man very humbly by providing mules and coaches for the magistrates that were to go into the provinces. Thereupon these verses were commonly written through all the streets:

You augurs and auruspices draw near, We have an uncouth wonder happened here; He that rubbed mules doth Salve Consul hear.

5278. At the end of the year, those who were recently elected consuls held a triumph. L. Munatius Plancus triumphed for Gaul 3 days before January (4th calends.) M. Emilius Lepidus held a triumph for Spain, the day before of January. This appears from the Marble Records of Triumphs. {Gruter, in inscript, p. 297.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 67.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 607.}

3962b AM, 4672 JP, 42 BC

5279. In the fourth Julian year, a day was incorrectly added to February. Only three years had elapsed from the first February of the first Julian year until that time. This error continued until the 37th Julian year. They should have added a day at the end of every four years before the fifth year began. The priests added a day at the beginning of the fourth year and not after it was ended. So the year that was correctly ordered by Julius Caesar was disordered by their negligence. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {Macrobius, Saturnal., c. 14. fin.}

5280. After M. Brutus had settled all things in Macedonia, he went back again into Asia. {Dio, l. 47. p. 341.} he took a large army there and arranged a fleet in Bithynia and at Cyzicum. He went by land and settled all the cities and heard the complaints of the governors. {Plutarch, in Brutus} He set Apuleius, who had fled to him from the proscription of the triumviri, over to Bithynia. {Appian, l. 4. p. 616.}

5281. The letters which Brutus wrote in a laconic style to those who were in Asia, are still extant. Aldus preserved them in Greek and Ranutius Florentius translated and recorded them in Latin. Plutarch relates three in his work on Brutus. {Plutarch, in Brutus} The first one is to the Pergamenian is seen at the beginning of the collection that was already published. Another one was to the Rhodians and we shall recite it. The third and shortest of all is inscribed in the published Greek copies to the Bithynians and in the Latin copy of Ranutius to the Galatians and in Plutarch to the Samians. It says this:

``Your council is to no purpose, your obedience to commands are very slow. What do you think will be the end of these things?''

5282. Cassius intended to go into Egypt when he heard that Cleopatra had sided with Caesar and Antony with her large navy. He thought that by this, he might punish her and prevent her from doing this. She was bothered with a famine and had almost no foreign help because of the sudden departure of Allienus with four Roman legions. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625., l. 5. p. 675.}

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5283. He hoped that he would have a suitable occasion for this venture when Brutus recalled him to Syria by messenger after messenger. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625., l. 5. p. 675.} {Plutarch, in Brutus} He gave up on his Egyptian plans and he sent again his lightly armed cavalry with bribes to the king of the Parthians. He sent his lieutenants with them to request more help. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.}

5284. Cassius left his brother's son in Syria with one legion and sent his cavalry ahead of him to Cappadocia. They attacked Ariobarzanes by surprise and took away a great amount of money and other provisions. Cassius returned from Syria and took pity on the Tarsenses who were most miserably oppressed. He freed them from paying any tribute in the future. {Appian, l. 4. p. 626.} When his affairs were settled in Syria and Cilicia, he went to Asia to Brutus. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345. fin.}

5285. After Cassius left Syria, there was a sedition at Jerusalem. Faelix, who was left there (by Cassius) with soldiers, revenged Malichus' death and attacked Phasaelus and the people took up arms. Herod was there with Fabius, the governor of Damascus and he planned to help his brother but was prevented by illness. However, Phasaelus withstood Faelix's attack and first forced him into the town and after agreeing on conditions, he allowed him to go out. Phasaelus was very angry with Hyrcanus who had received so many benefits from him and yet he favoured Faelix and allowed the brother of Malichus to seize some citadels. He held many and among the rest Masada was the strongest. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 20.}

5286. Brutus and Cassius were very joyful and confident when they met at Smyrna and considered their forces that they had. When they left Italy, they were poor and without arms and like abject exiles. They did not have so much as one ship rigged, one soldier or one friendly town. In a short time, they met together with a fleet and were outfitted with cavalry and foot soldiers as well as money to pay them. They were ready to fight for the Roman empire. (Cassius desired to have the same honour as Brutus and to give him the like. Brutus commonly prevented him and came often to him because he was the older and his body the strongest.) (??) {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5287. Both of them planned the war against the triumviri. {Livy, l. 122.} Brutus wanted to go into Macedonia with their joint forces and to settle all in one large battle. The enemy had 40 legions, of which eight were transported over sea to Iconium. Cassius thought otherwise. On the contrary, Cassius thought the forces of the enemy were contemptible and that they would lack provisions for so large a force. The best way was to quell those who favoured the enemy as the Rhodians and Lycians, who were strongest at sea. Otherwise, while they were attacking the enemy, they would attack from behind. Cassius' opinion prevailed. {Appian, l. 4. p. 626.} When they heard that the triumviri were busy about settling the affairs at Rome, they supposed they should have work enough. Sextus Pompey controlled the way against them in Sicily, that was so near. {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}

5288. Moreover, at Smyrna, Brutus desired that he might have part of the money of which Cassius had a large amount of. Brutus said that he had spent all that he had in preparing a fleet by which they might control the whole inland sea. However, Cassius' friends were against Cassius giving Brutus any. They said it was unjust that what they had saved by frugality and gotten by hard work should be spent in bribing soldiers. In spite of this, Cassius gave a third of everything to him. So both of them went to their own work. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5289. They either went themselves or sent their lieutenants and drew to their side those who had opposed them. They got more men and money to fight the war. All those who lived in those parts and formerly were not so much as spoken to, presently came to side with them. Although Ariobarzanes and the Rhodians and Lycians did not oppose them, yet they refused Cassius' and Brutus' alliance. Brutus and Cassius suspected them of favouring the opposing side because they had received so many favours from the former Caesar. They feared lest in their absence, they should raise some stirs and incite the rest not to keep their promise. They determined first of all to attack them and hoped that by their superior forces they would easily convince them to side with them either willingly or through force. {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}

5290. As soon as Herod was recovered, he went against the brother of Malichus and recaptured all the citadels that he had seized. Herod also recovered three citadels in Galilee that were seized by Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians. He allowed all the garrison soldiers of the tyrants to leave on conditions. He sent some of them home well rewarded and by this he won the affection of the city and hatred of the tyrant. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 20. 21.}

5291. The Tarsenses, who had resisted Cassius, were commended by the triumviri. They were given the hope that they would receive something for the losses they had sustained. Also Cleopatra obtained, in that she had sent help to Dolabella, that her son, Ptolemy, whom she said she had by Caesar and was therefore called Caesarion, should be called king of Egypt. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.}

5292. Brutus demanded men and money from the Lycians because Naucrates, an orator domanaiou had compelled the cities to revolt. They placed themselves on some hills to keep Brutus from passing through. First he sent his cavalry against them when they were eating and the cavalry killed 600 of them. Later he took some citadels and smaller towns and then he let them all go free without ransom so that he might win the favour of the country. However, they were obstinate and discontented for the losses they had received and despised his clemency and good will. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5293. Brutus defeated in a battle the common army of the whole country of the Lycians. He took over their camp also and entered it as they fled. Many cities surrendered to him. {Dio, l. 47, p. 347.}

5294. Then he besieged the most warlike of them and forced them to retire within the walls of Xanthum {Plutarch, in Brutus} They had levelled their walls to the intent that Brutus should have neither retreat nor materials. They well fortified their city and drove the enemy from the fortifications. They made a ditch fifty feet deep and as broad so that when they stood on the bank they could use their javelins and arrows as if they had been divided by an unfordable river while Brutus endeavoured to get over the ditch. Brutus covered his storm troopers with hurdles and divided his army into two to follow up the assault by night and by day. He brought his materials from a distance (as it is usually done when the business goes on well,) and still urged them on to hasten the work. They did whatever was to be done with great earnestness and labour. Therefore although at the first he thought, he could not overcome the strong resistance of the enemy for many months yet he finished his matter within a few days. He assaulted the besieged from a distance with engines and close to the gate with his cohorts. He continually rotated his men that were wearied or wounded with fresh men. Likewise the enemy held out manfully as long as the fortifications held but they lost heart and the town was battered with the engines. When Brutus knew what would happen, he ordered those who besieged the gate to retreat. The men of Xanthum thought this was done through negligence of the guard and sallied out by night with torches to burn the engines. However, the Roman cohorts hurried there as was prearranged and the enemy quickly fled back to the gate. Those who kept the gate had shut it lest the enemy should break in with them that fled. Hence there was a large slaughter of them that were shut out of the town. {Appian, l. 4. p. 633. 634.}

5295. A river ran past the city. As some tried to escape by swimming underwater but they were taken again by the nets which were let down into the river across the channel. The nets had bells which hung at the top of them which signalled when anyone was entangled. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5296. The men of Xanthum sallied out again about noon and drove back the guards and burnt all the engines. Since the gate was open for them to return, 2000 Romans rushed in together with the townsmen and others entered in a disorderly fashion. The portcullis (heavy iron grate) fell upon them, either by the action of the men of Xanthum or by the ropes breaking by which it was let down. Therefore all the Romans that had broken in, were either beaten down or shut in. They could not draw it up again without ropes. They were attacked from above by the men of Xanthum and they very barely got into the market place even though it was close by. The area around there was full of archers. Since the Romans had neither bows nor arrows, they fled into the temple of Sarpedon lest they be surrounded. In the meantime, the Romans that were outside, were very anxious for them that were trapped within. Brutus was running up and down and tried all things in all places to rescue them. They could not break open the portcullis and they had lost their ladders and wooden towers by the fire. However, some presently made ladders and other brought props to the walls and used them for ladders. Some fastened hooks to ropes and cast them up onto the walls. As often as any held, they climbed up by them. {Appian, l. 4. p. 634.}

[Soldier4Christ]

5297. The Oenandeses, their neighbours and enemies, were at that time the allies of Brutus. They climbed up the steep rocks whom the Romans presently followed with great earnestness. Many fell down when they lost their footing. However, some got over the wall and opened a little gate. Before the gate was a fortification of sharp stakes set very thickly. By the help of these, the most daring got up. When their numbers increased, they went to break the gate open which had no bars to strengthen it. Others also tried to do the same on the other side since the Xanthians attacked those who had fled into the temple of Sarpedon. Those on both sides of the gate, broke it open. At sunset, with such furious noise they rushed in one company. They gave a loud shout as a sign to those that were trapped. {Appian, l. 4. p. 634, 635.}

5298. The Romans rushed into the city and set some houses on fire. The fire first terrified them who saw this being done. Those who were farther off thought that the city was taken. Therefore the neighbours, of their own accord, set their own houses on fire, but the most killed one another. {Dio, l. 4. p. 347.} They retired inside their own houses and they killed everyone who was dear to them. They willingly offered their throats to be cut. There was such a lamentable cry made at that time, that Brutus thought the soldiers were sacking the city which he had forbidden by public criers. When he was better informed, he pitied the generous disposition of these men who were born to liberty. He sent messengers and invited them to peace. They drove them back with their arrows. After they first killed all that belonged to them and laid them on funeral piles and set them on fire, then they cut their own throats. This how was Appian relates the story. {Appian, l. 4. p. 635.} However Plutarch relates it like this.

5299. Brutus was afraid least the city should be destroyed and ordered the soldiers to put out the fire and to help the city. However a great and incredible desperation suddenly seized the Lycians, which you may well compare to a desire of death. For both free men and slaves, both old and young, with women and children, assailed the enemy from the wall that came to quench the fire. The Xanthians themselves brought reeds and all combustible matter to set the city on fire. When they had done this, they used all the means they could to increase it. After all the city was ablaze, Brutus was grieved for this and went about the city to help it. He stretched out his hands to the Xanthians and intreated them to spare the city. No one obeyed him. Indeed they killed themselves by all manner of ways including men and women and even little children. With loud crys and howlings, they threw themselves into the fire and some headlong from the wall. Some offered their naked throats to the swords of their fathers and wanted them to kill them. After the city was thus consumed, there was one woman seen hanging by a rope who had her dead child hanging at her neck. She had a fiery torch with which she set her house on fire. The sight appeared so tragic that Brutus could not endure to behold it. When he was told of it, he started weeping and offered a reward to the soldiers, whoever had saved a Lycian. They reckoned but an hundred and fifty which would surrender alive. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5300. Appian wrote that Brutus saved some slaves. Of the freeborn, scarcely 150 women were saved and those did not have husbands to kill them. He added that Brutus saved all the temples he possibly could. {Appian, l. 4. p. 635.}

5301. From there Brutus went to Patara, a city which might seem to be the port for the Xanthinas where their ships were anchored. He ordered them that they should surrender to him or expect a similar destruction as the Xanthians had. However, the citizens would not surrender. The slaves had recently obtained their liberty and the freemen that were poor had recently had all their debts cancelled and resisted surrendering to Brutus. Therefore, Brutus sent the Xanthians that he had taken captive to them because they were related to each other. He thought that when they saw their miserable condition the Patarenses would have a change of heart. They were just as steadfast as before although he had granted as a gift to everyone, his kindred. Brutus permitted them the rest of the day for consultation and withdrew himself. However the next morning, he brought his forces there again. {Appian, l. 4. p. 635.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.} He set up a cage in a safe place under the wall and he sold the leaders of the Xanthians. He brought them out one by one, if by chance this might move the Patarenses. When they would not yield for all this after he had sold a few of them, he let the rest go free. {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5302. When Brutus had taken captive the women of Patara, he let them also go free without any ransom. They told their husbands and fathers who were of the leaders that Brutus was a most modest and just man and they persuaded them that they should surrender to him. {Plutarch, in Brutus} When he entered the town, he did not kill or banish anyone. He ordered all the public gold and silver to be brought to him. He also took everyone's own treasure and promised to punish those who would not cooperate and a reward to those that did. {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.}

5303. A slave betrayed his master who had hidden some gold and told a centurion who was sent to collect the money. When they were all brought out, the master was silent. However to save her son, his mother followed and cried that she had hid the money. The servant replied without being asked that she lied and the master hid the money. After Brutus had commended the young man's patience and the mother's piety, he dismissed both of them with the gold. He hung the servant who against all equity, had betrayed his master. {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.}

5304. At the same time, Lentulus was sent to Andtiaca, which was the port of the Myrenses. He broke the chain with which the mouth of the harbour was barred and went to the praetor of the Myrenses. When Brutus had dismissed the praetor, the Myrenses surrendered and paid the money imposed upon them. {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.} In the same manner, all the countries of the Lycians were subdued and sent ambassadors to Brutus. They promised they would send both men and money according to their ability. They found Brutus so bountiful and indulgent beyond all their expectations. For he sent home all the freeborn of the Xanthians and imposed upon the Lycians only 150 talents. He did violence to no one. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5305. After Brutus had conquered the Lycians, {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} he wrote some letters among which this one was said to be sent to the Rhodians:

``We have severely punished the Xanthians when they revolted from us. We punished everyone including their children and we destroyed the city with fire and sword. To the Patarenses who were faithful to us, we have released their tributes and granted them their freedom to live after their own laws. We have given them 50 talents toward the rebuilding of those things that were demolished. You have the freedom for yourselves to see whether you will be accounted enemies as the Xanthians, or friends as the Patarenses.''

5306. Plutarch recorded this letter more concisely:

``The Xanthians despised our bounty and have made their country the sepulchre of their desperation. The Patarenses who have submitted to me, have their liberty in governing their state. Therefore it is in your power either to choose the opinion of the Patarenses or the fortune of the Xanthians.''

5307. The Rhodian noblemen feared to contend with the Romans but the common people held a high opinion of their abilities. They remembered the ancient victories that they had over other such men. {Appian, l. 4. p. 627.} They trusted so much to their skill in navigation that they first went to Cassius on the continent and showed to him the fetters that they had brought as if they would take many of their enemies alive. {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}

5308. Cassius had to fight those who were skilful at sea. Therefore at Myndus, he exercised his fleet that he had rigged and furnished with soldiers. The Rhodians sent ambassadors to him who should intreat him that neither he would attack Rhodes who had always revenged the wrongs done to her neither break the league that was between the Romans and the Rhodians. It stated clearly that neither people should make war on the other. They sent also Archelaus, an ambassador, to him who had formerly been his teacher at Rhodes for the Greek language. He asked this more humbly from him. Cassius replied that the league was first broken by the Rhodians and that he would punish them for it if they did not immediately surrender. {Appian, l. 4. p. 626, 627. 630.}

5309. This answer terrified the wiser citizens but the people were more stirred with the speeches of Alexander and Mnaseas and recalled how much larger a fleet that Mithridates had invaded Rhodes with and before him Demetrius. Both were two most powerful kings. Thereupon they appointed Alexander as Prytanis, which is a magistrate among them of very great power and made Mnaseas, the admiral. {Appian, l. 4. p. 627. 628.}

5310. Alexander and Mnaseas, the commanders of the Rhodians sailed to Myndus with 33 good ships. They hoped by this boldness to make Cassius afraid. Since they defeated Mithridates near this town, they hoped they would defeat Cassius also. After they had showed their skill in sailing, they went to Cnidus the first day. The next day Cassius' soldiers loosed from shore and sailed out against them. {Appian, l. 4. p. 627, 630.}

[Soldier4Christ]

5311. There was a fierce battle between them. The Rhodians with their nimble ships, sailed here and there, sometimes through the enemies ranks and sometimes around them. On the other side, the Romans trusted their large ships. As often as they laid hold on any ship that sailed too close with their iron hook, they prevailed as in a land battle. Cassius had the larger number of ships and the Rhodians could not play long with their enemies through their swiftness and usual tactics. Although they attacked them only from the front and then retreated, it did them little good. Their enemies still kept themselves close together. The attacks also of their armoured prows were ineffectual against the heavy ships of the Romans. On the other side, the Roman ships attacked those light ships with a direct attack until three Rhodian ships were taken with all the soldiers in them. Two were damaged and sunk, while the rest were badly damaged and fled to Rhodes. {Appian, l. 4. p. 630.}

5312. The Roman fleet successfully fought with the Rhodians at Myndus. {Appian, l. 4. p. 630.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.} Cassius watched the sea battle from a mountain. After the battle he immediately repaired his fleet and he went to Loryma, a citadel of the Rhodians on the other side of the continent. From there he conveyed over his land forces in cargo ships under the command of Fanius and Lentulus. Cassius, with 80 long ships, went to strike terror into the Rhodians. He trusted that his sea and land forces would abate the hostility of the enemy. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.}

5313. When they boldly met him again, Cassius defeated them with the help of Statius (Murcus). He overcame their skill by the size and number of his ships. When they lost two ships, the Rhodians were surrounded on every side. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}

5314. Immediately all the walls were filled with soldiers to repulse Fanius' attack from the land. Cassius with his navy by sea, was prepared for an assault on the walls. Cassius thought that such a thing would happen and brought with him towers that were folded up which were set up there. Thus Rhodes, twice beaten at sea, was now attacked both by sea and land. They were unprepared for a double sustained attack. It appeared, that in a short time the enemy would overpower them or they would be starved out by famine. When the wiser of the Rhodians knew this, they held a secret conference with Fanius and Lentulus. Since Cassius had suddenly come into the middle of the city with his best soldiers, it was believed that some of the smaller gates were opened to him by citizens that secretly favoured him lest the city should be miserably destroyed. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.}

5315. Cassius replied to the Rhodians that called him king and lord that he was neither lord nor king but the killer and avenger of a lord and king. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} He sat under a spear for his tribunal because he would seem as if he had taken the city by force of arms. He ordered his army to be quiet and by his public criers, he threatened death to plunderers. He cited before him 50 Rhodian citizens, whom he ordered to be executed. The other 25 who did not appear, he ordered to be banished. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.}

5316. There he plundered the Rhodians of their ships and money. He took all the gold that belonged either to the temples or treasury. He even took away all things which were dedicated to the gods, except for the Chariot of the Sun. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 246.} He was not content with all that but he took from the owners whatever gold or silver they had. He proclaimed a punishment by a crier, to anyone who hid it and offered a reward to them that told of it. They would get a tenth part of it and the slaves would get their liberty. At the first some concealed their money and hoped that his threats would go no further than words. When they saw that rewards were given to discoverers, they desired that the time might be extended which he granted. Some dug up what they had hid in the earth and others took their money from wells. Some again brought more than they hid before. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631, 632.} He had extorted from the private men 8000 talents and publicly fined the city 500 talents more. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} He left the Rhodians with nothing but their lives. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18}

5317. Therefore, Cassius by a fierce and most prosperous war defeated Rhodes which was very important to him. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} He rejoiced at his quick defeat of it and the huge amount of money he had obtained. He left L. Varus at Rhodes with a garrison. {Appian, l. 4. p. 632.} After this he put to death Ariobarzanes whom he had captured {Dio, l. 47. p. 346. fin.} and ordered ten years of tribute from all the provinces of Asia which he collected in full. {Appian, l. 4. p. 632.}

5318. Then it was told Cassius that Cleopatra was sailing toward Caesar and Antony with an large navy and many forces. She had always before followed that side for the love she had to the former Caesar. She far more eagerly did so now for the fear she had of Cassius. To prepare for her invasion, Cassius sent into Peloponesus, Murcus with one legion and some archers in 60 covered ships, to guard the sea lanes about the cape of Tenarus. Cleopatra avoided Cassius and Murcus and set sail toward the Ionian Sea. However her fleet was wrecked by a large storm off the coast of Africa. The waves brought signs of her shipwreck even into the country of Laconia. Cleopatra became sick and so returned home. {Appian, l. 4. p. 632, 636., l. 5. p. 675.}

5319. Among Brutus' letters, there is one concerning the victories of him and Cassius that was sent to the Coans.

``Rhodes truly now obeys Cassius, a city rather bold than strong by her own strength. All Lycia is now at our command, partly conquered in war and partly for fear of suffering extremities. This choice was truly for their profit. They willingly chose that which they must have done in a little time later. Choose you therefore whether you had rather be forced to serve or rather be called our friends by receiving us.''

5320. Brutus returned from Lycia into Ionium and he did many memorable deeds in honouring those who deserved well and in punishing others according to their acts. Among others, he tortured and killed Theodorus, the rhetorician who was wandering in Asia. He was instrumental (as he himself bragged) in the death of Pompey the Great. {Plutarch, in Brutus, Pompey}

5321. Brutus sent for Cassius to come to Sardis. When he was coming near there, Brutus went to meet him with his friends. All the soldiers were ready in their arms and greeted them both as generals. As often happens between two who have many troops and friends, that mutual suspicion and accusations arose between them. The first thing they did, they went alone into a private room and shut the doors to them and asked all men to leave. First they began to talk then to argue and accuse each other. Then friends were afraid what would be the outcome because Cassius and Brutus were all the more free and vehement in chiding one another and became very sharp in the arguments with each other. {Plutarch, in Brutus} All these suspicions, which each had thought against the other arose through false accusations and finally they wisely settled everything. {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5322. M. Favonius was then there, (of whom Cicero makes mention of as a close friend to Brutus. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 15. epist. 11.}) He followed in the footsteps of M. Cato, who was a philosopher. However, he was not as reasonable and was governed by some passionate and mad motion. He considered it to be a lowly office to be a consul of Rome. With his cynical kind of harsh language, he alleviated the tedium his importunity brought upon many. He then violently thrust away the porters who forbid him entrance and went into the room where Brutus and Cassius had their private conference. With a mimic voice, he pronounced those verses that Homer said Nestor used:

``But both obey me, for I your senior am.''

5323. and those verses that follow this. This made Cassius laugh but Brutus kicked him out and called him:

``unlearned and adulterous dog''

[Soldier4Christ]

5324. After this difference was ended, Cassius made a supper and Brutus invited his friends there. As they were going to sit down, Favonius came in very trim. Brutus protested that he came uninvited and asked him to leave. However, he pushed himself in and placed himself at the upper end of the table between them. There was at the feast both mirth and good discourse. {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5325. The next day, Brutus condemned in public judgement and with a note of infamy, L. Pellius, who had been praetor. Brutus had employed him before and he was now accused of bribery by the Sardians. Cassius was not innocent in this matter either. A few days earlier, Cassius, had only chastised privately two who were found guilty of the same fault and absolving them publicly and still made use of them. Thereupon Cassius accused Brutus for being too strict and just when at such a time he should behave more civilly and with humanity. Brutus admonished him again that he should remember the ides of March, on which they had killed Caesar, who had not so much vexed all men as a patron of those who did. {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5326. Labienus the younger, the son of Titus Labienus, (Caesar's lieutenant in Gaul) was sent by Cassius and Brutus to request aid from Orodes, the king of the Parthians. He stayed there a long time with them without any notice being taken of him. The king had no intention of helping them and dared not deny them. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 78.}

5327. Brutus ordered the whole fleet of the Lycians to sail for Abydus, while he marched there with his land forces. They were to wait for Cassius' arrival from Ionium so that they might both go to Sestos together. {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.}

5328. When Cassius and Brutus were about to leave Asia for Europe and to transport their army to the opposite continent, Brutus had an horrible sight. In the dead of the night when the moon did not shine very bright and all the army was in silence, a black image of an huge and horrid body stood silently by Brutus. It was said to offer itself to Brutus, since his candle was almost out. Brutus boldly asked if he was a man or a god. The spirit replied, "O Brutus, I am thy evil genius, you shall see me again at Philippi." So as not to appear afraid, Brutus said, "Then I shall see you." {Florus, l. 4. c. 7.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 608.} {Plutarch, in Caesar, Brutus, fin.} Plutarch gave a more complete account in his work on Brutus. He added that the next morning Brutus told Cassius what he had seen and that Cassius expounded to him from the doctrine of the Epicureans what was to be thought about such sights.

3963a AM, 4672 JP, 42 BC

5329. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus (the brother of Hyrcanus) invaded Judea, with the help of Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, Fabius the governor of Damascus, whom he had made his friend through money, and Marion the tyrant of the Tyrians, who followed him because he hated Herod. Herod met Antigonus as he barely crossed the borders of the country and drove him from there after he defeated him in battle. Therefore Hyrcanus honoured Herod with crowns as soon as he returned to Jerusalem. He had already promised that Herod was considered one of the family of Hyrcanus for marrying Mariamme (in Syriac called ~yrs or Mary.) She was the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, (the brother of Hyrcanus) and Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 21., l. 15. c. 9. 11.}

5330. At the gulf Melanes, Cassius and Brutus numbered their army and found they had 80,000 foot soldiers. Brutus had 4000 of French and Lusitanian cavalry, 2000 cavalry from the Thracia, Illyria, Parthia and Thressalia. Cassius had 2000 cavalry from the Spanish and French and 4000 cavalry who were archers from Arabia, Media and Parthia. (Justin confirmed that the Parthians sent help there. {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.}) The kings who were allies and tetrarchs from Galatia brought 5000 cavalry in addition to foot soldiers. {Appian, l. 4. p. 640.}

5331. These met at Philippi in Macedonia with the army of the triumviri under M. Antony and Octavian Caesar. (The city was just as famous for Paul's letter to it as for this battle) {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} Each side had the same number of legions. Brutus and Cassius had 20,000 cavalry and Antony and Caesar had 13,000. Cassius' side refused to fight the enemy for many days and hoped to starve them for lack of provisions. They had abundant supplies from Asia which were brought to them by sea. Whereas the enemy troops were in need of supplies since they were in an enemies' country. The merchants could get nothing from Egypt since there was a great famine there. Neither would Sextus Pompeius allow anything to be brought from Spain or Africa. Statius Murcus and Domitius Aenobarbus guarded the sea lanes to Italy. They knew that Macedonia and Thessalia, could not long sustain the enemy. Antony tried to hinder supplies from coming to the enemy behind them from Thasus. In ten day's time, he made a private passage in a narrow marsh and erected many citadels with trenches on the far side. Later Cassius ran a trench from his camp to the sea through all the marches and made Antony's works useless. {Appian, l. 4. p. 652. 653.}

5332. When the battle began (from which Caesar and Antony were said to have withdrawn themselves) the wing which Brutus commanded beat back the enemy and captured Caesar's camp. However, the wing in which Cassius was, was routed and his camp was taken by Antony's troops. {Florus, l. 4. c. 7.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 78.} {Plutarch, in Antony} Cassius lost 8000 of the servants that followed the camp whom Brutus called "Brigae." Masala Corrinus, who was then present in Brutus' camp, and a little later surrendered to Caesar, said he thought twice as many if not more were killed. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 655.}

5333. After Cassius had lost his camp, he could not return there but went up to an hill near Philippi to better view what was going on and what he should do. {Appian, l. 4. p. 655.} He thought that the whole army was routed and killed himself {Livy, l. 124.} with the same sword he had killed Caesar. {Plutarch, Caesar, fin.} Although in another place, Plutarch along with other historians stated that his head was cut off by his freed man, Pindarus. After the defeat of Crassus in Parthia, Cassius had appointed him for that task. {Plutarch, in Brutus, AntonY} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 615.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 354.} From Maximus {Valerius Maximus, l. 6. c. 8.} we read:

``Pindarus was recently freed by Cassius. When Cassius was defeated in the battle at Philippi, Pindarus spared him the insults of his enemies by cutting off his head by his own command. He hid his body so it could not be found. The gods, the revenger of so great a wickedness, had bound Cassius' right hand with such weakness which was used in the murder of the father of his county. He came trembling to Pindarus' knees, lest he should pay that punishment which he had deserved at the hand of the pious conqueror. Truly you, defied Julius, have exacted the revenge due to your heavenly wounds, by compelling that head which was wickedly against you to be made a suppliant to the help of a base man. Cassius was forced by the rage of his mind that he would not retain his life, nor dared end it by his own hand.''

5334. Brutus gave the body of Cassius to his friends and had it privately buried at Thasus, lest the army, by the sight of his funeral, should be provoked to mourning and become dejected. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 655.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 354.} Cassius died the same day as he was born on. {Appian, l. 4. p. 655.} In the evening, his servant came to Antony, with Cassius' soldier's coat and his sword which he had recently taken from his body. When Antony saw these, he was greatly encouraged and set the army in battle array as soon as it was day. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5335. On the same day that the army of Caesar was defeated in the battle at Philippi, the Marthian legion and other large forces, which were coming to Caesar by Domitius Culvinus from Italy, were defeated by Murcus and Aenobarbus in the Ionian sea. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, p. 656, 657.} Brutus did not know of this victory for 20 days. During that time, the soldiers of Caesar and Antony were mired in the marshes of Philippi. They were bothered by autumn showers that happened after the battle and froze. {Plutarch, in Brutus} In that time many Germans fled to Brutus. Likewise Amyntas, the general of Dejotarus and Rhascipolis the Thracian, left Brutus' side. When Brutus knew of this, he feared a larger revolt and he decided to gamble all on one battle. {Dio, l. 47. p. 355.}

5336. The night before the battle, it is reported that the ghost came again to Brutus in the same way as before. It spoke nothing and so vanished away. However, P. Volumnius made no mention of this. He was a man who studied wisdom and was in Brutus' camp and wrote about other prodigies that happened. {Plutarch, Caesar fin., Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 668.}