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« Reply #435 on: December 10, 2006, 01:12:07 PM »

5337. Antony was involved in the second battle as well as Caesar Octavian even though he was weak and sickly. Ovid wrote about the things that were done in this war of Philippi. {Ovid, Festi, l. 3.}

Caesar's first work or worthy action rather, Was, by just arms he did revenge his father.

5338. Ovid also wrote: {Ovid, Fasti, l. 5.}

This the youth vowed, when first to arms he ran, Being the leader of them he then began. His stretched out hand to the soldiers while he shook, He, them confederated, thus bespoke.

5339. Brutus was defeated in the battle and fled to an hill by night. The next day he desired Strabo Aegeates, an Epirote, with whom he was friendly because they studied rhetoric together, that he would help him kill himself. He put his left arm over his head and held the point of the sword in his right hand. He directed it to his left breast where the heart beats and forced it through himself. So he died after being run through with only one thrust. {Livy, l. 124.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 665, 666.}

5340. Thus this war ended the careers of Brutus and Cassius who were the murderers of Julius Caesar their emperor, by whom they were spared in the Pharsalian fight and later committed suicide. {Appian, l. 4. p. 667, 668.} They killed themselves using the same swords they used to kill Julius Caesar. {Dio, l. 48. init.} The liberty which they so much desired to see restored, they lost by the murder of Caesar. {Florus, l. 4. c. 7.} Although, in less than two years, they had gathered more than 20 legions, about 20,000 cavalry and more than 200 long ships. They had made great preparations and had extorted huge sums of money from men, whether they wanted to give it or not. They were often victors in the wars that they waged with many cities and with opposing countries. They had the command of all from Macedonia to Euphrates. Whomever they made war with, they drew them to their side and made use of their help who were faithful to them like kings and governors, and even of the Parthians, although they were enemies. {Appian, l. 4. p. 666, 667.}

5341. Antony stood by the body of Brutus and modestly upbraided him for the death of his brother Caius whom Brutus killed in Macedonia. However, Antony often said that he rather imputed the death of his brother to Hortensius, (who was the proconsul of Macedonia) than to Brutus. He ordered Hortensius to be killed on Brutus' (??) grave. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus, M. Antony} He cast upon Brutus' body, his purple soldier's coat of great price and committed the care of his funeral to one of his free men. He later killed the man when he knew he had not burnt that coat with him and sent his ashes to his mother Servilia. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus, M. Antony} {Appian, l. 4. p. 668.} Octavian sent Brutus' head to Rome that it might be placed under Caesar's statue. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 13.} In the voyage from Byrrachium, a storm arose and it was cast into the sea. {Dio, l. 47. p. 356.}

5342. As many of the nobility who escaped to Thasus, sailed from there. Others surrendered themselves to the power and mercy of Messala, Corvinus and L. Bibulus. Others agreed for their security with the Antonians. Antony himself came into Thasus and they turned over to him whatever money, arms, provisions or other preparation that were left. {Appian, l. 4. p. 669.}

5343. L. Julius Mocilla, who had been praetor, along with his son and A. Torquates and others who suffered this defeat, went to Samothracia. Pomponius Atticus had placed Mocilla in charge of procuring all things from Epirus. (Cornelius Nepos, in Vita Attici.}

5344. After Brutus and Cassius had gone to the war, Cassius Parmensis was left in Asia with a fleet and an army, to raise money. After the death of Cassius, he hoped for better things from Brutus and chose 30 of the Rhodian ships. He planned to fill them with the sailors of the allies. He burnt the rest lest the city should rebel. After this, he sailed with his own and the Rhodian ships. However, Clodius was sent by Brutus, as soon as he saw the Rhodians were about to rebel. When Brutus was dead, Clodius withdrew the garrison of 3000 men and went with Parmenses. Torulus joined them with many other ships and the money which he had exacted from the Rhodians before their revolt. {Appian, l. 4. p. 671, 672.}

5345. Anyone who had some naval forces that were scattered throughout Asia, joined this fleet. They put on board as many legions of soldiers as they could possibly and enlisted for rowers, bondmen and slaves from the islanders of the ports they came to. Cicero the younger, and as many of the nobility who fled from Thasus, joined them also. In a short time, there was a large fleet with a large army of good commanders. {Appian, l. 4. p. 672.}

5346. They sailed in the Ionian Sea to Statius Murcus and Cn. Aenobarbus, who commanded large forces. They took Lepidus with them with another band of soldiers who kept Crete with a garrison of Brutus'. When they left some stayed with Aenobarbus, making a faction of their own. (They controlled the Ionian Sea and did much harm to their enemies.) The rest went with Murcus and joined forces with Sextus Pompeius. When he joined his large fleet and the remains of Brutus' army to him, he doubled Sextus' forces. {Appian, l. 4. p. 672.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 72, 77.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 361, 368.}

5347. Caesar and Antony dismissed the soldiers that had served out their time, except for 8000 whom they intreated to serve longer under them. They divided these between them and took one of an hundred of them for their bodyguard. Of eleven legions and 14,000 cavalry which were left of Brutus' army, Antony took six legions and 10,000 cavalry while Caesar took four legions and 4000 cavalry. {Appian, l. 4. p. 672. 673.} Moreover it was agreed that Caesar should give two legions of his own to go along with Antony and that he again should receive two others which were then left in Italy who were his soldiers under the command of Calenus. {Appian, l. 4. p. 673.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 358.}
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« Reply #436 on: December 10, 2006, 01:12:36 PM »

5348. Caesar took this business upon himself so that he might repress Lepidus, the triumvir, if he should make any stir. He also wanted to carry on the war against Sextus Pompeius and divide the lands promised to the old soldiers who were retired. Octavian returned to Italy but on his way, he became sick so that those who were at Rome thought that he was dead. Antony stayed to go around the provinces beyond the sea, to subdue the enemies' pride and to get money for the soldiers as they had promised them. {Livy, l. 125.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 74.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 672, 673.} {Dio, l. 48, p. 357, 358.} Since they had promised every soldier 5000 drachmas, they must be careful to pay it. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 47. p. 352.}

5349. Therefore, Antony with a large army went into Greece and at the first behaved kindly to the Greeks and was happy to be considered a friend of the Greeks and especially of the Athenians, on whose city he bestowed many gifts. {Plutarch, in Antony}

3963b AM, 4673 JP, 41 BC

5350. L. Censorinus was in Greece and went into Asia. {Plutarch, in Antony} There he went about and sent others to exact money from the cities and to sell their territories. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371.} Also kings much courted his favour and the king's wives fought among themselves to offer him gifts and beauty and their service to him. Anaxenor, an harper, Xuthus, a musician, Metrodorus, a dancer, and all the Asian comics and actors went to Censorinus' court where everything was very luxurious. Finally, Antony was ready to go to the Parthian war and he sent Dellius into Egypt to Cleopatra. He was the historian, as Plutarch later called him and whom Seneca {Seneca, 1 Suasoria} said left Cassius and went to Antony. Dellius ordered her to appear before Antony in Cilicia to answer for herself because she was said to have given much help to Cassius. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5351. Apulein, who was proscribed by the triumviri, was restored to his country when he turned over Bithynia to Antony. He was made governor of Bithynia by Brutus. {Appian, l. 4. p. 616.}

5352. In Bithynia, Antony met with embassies from all countries. The rulers of the Jews were there to accuse Phasaclus and Herod as though Hyrcanus reigned only as a puppet. In truth the two brothers had all the power. However, Antony highly honoured Herod who had come there to clear himself of these accusations. It so happened that his adversaries were not so much as admitted to speak to Antony. Herod had arranged this by bribing Antony. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 22.}

5353. When Antony came to Ephesus, the women went before him dressed in the clothes of the Baccharae and men in the clothes of satyrs and Pans. All the city resounded with rushing after ivy garlands with instruments of music, flutes and pipes. They called him:

``Bacchus the bountiful and debonair.'' {Plutarch, in Antony}

5354. He made a magnificent sacrifice to Diana, as to the protector of that place. He absolved the Cassiani when they petitioned him. They had fled into sanctuary there. He did not forgive Petronius, who was guilty of the conspiracy against Caesar and Quintus who had betrayed Dolabella to Cassius at Laodicea. {Appian, l. 6. p. 683.}

5355. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus the high priest and of the Jews came there also. These were Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Joseph, the son of Mennaeus and Alexander, the son of Theodorus. They gave him a crown of gold and they requested from him the same thing the embassy did at Rome. They wanted freed those Jews whom Cassius had taken prisoners, contrary to the laws of war. They wanted him to send letters to the provinces to affect this. They also wanted their country which Cassius had taken from them, to be restored. Antony thought their requests were fair and granted them. He wrote letters for this purpose, to Hyrcanus and also to the Tyrians, Sidonians, Antiochians, and Aradians. These letters are recorded in Josephus. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 22.}

5356. The Greeks and other nationalities that lived in Asia Pergamena, were called to Ephesus. Antony told them what generous promises he had made to his 28 victorious legions some of which they had supplied. He had 150,000 men. When they had given to Cassius and Brutus, his enemies, ten years tribute in 2 years, he demanded that they should give him so much in one year. They complained that they were impoverished by their former enemies. At length they barely obtained the concession that they might pay nine years tribute in two years. {Appian, l. 5. p. 673. 674.}

5357. Antony took the estates of many noblemen and gave them to knaves and flatterers. Many begged the fortunes of some who were alive and they were given them. Some wanted and received the estates of those who had died. He gave the goods of a citizen of Magnesia to a cook who had prepared only one supper, (as it is reported) handsomely for him. Finally, when he had burdened the cities with another tribute, Hybreas who stirred up the affairs of Asia, was so bold to say:

``If you can exact a tribute of us twice in a year, you must be able also to make two summers and then to yield fruits to us twice.''

5358. When Asia brought in 200,000 talents, Hybreas said:

``If you had not received them, demand them, but if you had not that which you had received, we are undone;''

5359. He sharply rebuked Antony with this saying who naively believed his own servants and was ignorant of many things that were done. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5360. In like manner, other tributes were imposed by the orders of Antony on kings, governors and free cities, each according to their abilities. {Appian, l. 5. p. 674.}

5361. As Antony was going about the provinces, Lucius, the brother of Cassius, and as many as had heard of his clemency at Ephesus, were afraid. They humbly came and presented themselves to him and Antony forgave them all except those who were guilty of Caesar's murder. These he would not forgive. {Appian, l. 5. p. 674.}

5362. He released the Lycians and Xanthians from tribute and urged them to rebuild their city. He gave to Rhodes, the places of Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus. However, not long after, he took them from them because he said Rhodes was ruling too harshly over them. He also gave the citizens of Laodicea and Tarsus, liberty and freedom from tributes. To the Athenians that came to him, Antony gave first Tenos and then Aegina, Icos, Cea, Sciathus and Patepathus. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.}
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« Reply #437 on: December 10, 2006, 01:13:05 PM »

5363. He journeyed though Phrygia, Mysia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Coelosyria, Palestina, Ituraea and other provinces of the Syrians. He imposed very heavy tributes on them all. He settled all differences of kings and cities after his own pleasure. In particular, in Cappadocia, the matter of Sisenna and Ariarathes, was settled in favour of Sisenna who received the kingdom as a favour to his beautiful mother. However, in Syria he removed tyrants from various towns. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.} He committed the government of Cyprus, to Demetrius, the freed man of Julius Caesar. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381.}

5364. Antony promised the Tarsenses the command of the university and placed Boethus over the university. He was a poor poet and a bad citizen. However, Antony liked his poem which he wrote about his victory at Philippi. The Tarsenses mainly preferred him because he was able without notice to speak something concerning any subject. When the account of the expenses to be paid in the university were committed to his care, he was found to have stolen other things and also the oil. When he was being accused before Antony, he answered:

``As Homer sang the praises of Agamemnon, and Achilles, and also Ulysses, so have I thine, therefore it is not fit that I should be accused of these crimes before thee,''

5365. The accusers replied:

``Homer stole no oil from Agamemnon and Achilles, which because thou hast done, thou shalt be punished.''

5366. Nevertheless Boethus, appeased his anger by some services and retained the government of the city until the death of Antony. {Strabo, l. 14. p. 674.}

5367. Cleopatra was brought to Cilicia to Antony by Dellius. She trusted in her beauty and deportment. {Plutarch. in Antony} {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 23.} {Appian, l. 5. p 673.} {Dio, l. 48. 371.} Her fabulous arrival is described by Plutarch more like a poet would than an historian. She came by a ship that was covered in gold, up the river Cydnus, which runs by the city Tarsus. It had purple sails all spread, and silver oars. They were accompanied by the music of flutes, pipes and harps. She rested in a beautiful dress under a canopy of cloth of gold like Venus is painted. Boys like cupids, stood here and there and fanned her. Her maidens in the clothes of Nereides and Graces, stood at the helms and others plied the oars. All the river banks were filled with most fragrant smells because of the abundance of perfumes. Men from both sides of the shore accompanied her from the river. Those who were in the city, came to see the sight so that Antony was left alone sitting in the forum on his tribunal. There was a general rumour that Venus was coming to feast with Bacchus for the preservation of Asia. Antony sent certain men to invite her to supper. However she thought it rather belonged to him to come to her. So that he might at her arrival, show his gentleness and courtesy, he obeyed her and came.

5368. Antony accused Cleopatra that she did not side with Caesar in the last war. She objected that she had sent the four legions to Dolabella and how her fleet was wrecked by storms. She said how often Cassius had threatened her and she was forced to sent aid to him. Antony was overcome and began to fall in love with her like a young man although he was then forty years old. A long time ago, he had wantonly cast his eyes on her when she was but a girl and he was a young man who followed Gavinius to Alexandria. At that time he was in charge of the cavalry. Immediately Antony's ancient diligence and ambition failed and all men did nothing but execute the commands of Cleopatra without respect either to human or divine law. {Appian, l. 5. p. 671, 675, 676.}

5369. By the request of Cleopatra, Antony sent murderers to Miletus to kill her sister Arsinoe, a priestess of Diana Leucophrine. {Appian, l. 5. p. 676.} However, Josephus says that she was at her prayers in the temple of Diana. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4.}

5370. Antony commanded the Tyrians to turn over to Cleopatra, Serapion, the governor of Cyprus, who had sent aid to Cassius and now came to beg his pardon, as well as the Aradians, another suppliant. When Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra, was defeated by Julius Caesar in a naval fight on the Nile River and was never seen more, he had bragged to the Aradians that he was Ptolemy. He commanded also Megabezus, the priest of Diana of the Ephesians, to be brought before him because he had entertained Arsinoe as a queen. By the entreaty of the Ephesians to Cleopatra, Antony let him go. {Appian, l. 5. p. 676.}

5371. In the meantime, Fulvia, the wife of Antony in Italy, who was a woman in body only and more like a man, raised a large rebellion against Caesar Octavian. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 74.} This action dissolved their alliance and the state was involved in a full scale war between them. Caesar could not endure the insolence of his mother-in-law, (for he had rather seemed not to agree with her than with Antony.) He divorced her daughter Claudia whom he swore was still a virgin. {Dio, l. 48. p. 359, 360.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 62.}

5372. Thereupon Caesar sent to Phoenicia to Antony, Cocceius and Cecinna as an embassy. When Cecinna's task was finished, he returned to Caesar. However, Cocceius stayed with Antony. {Appian, l. 5. p. 706.}

5373. There came an hundred of the most honourable among the Jews to Daphne, near Antioch in Syria to Antony who was now doting on the love of Cleopatra. They came to accuse Phasaelus and Herod and selected for this purpose the most eloquent of their whole number. Messala undertook to defend the young men's cause. Hyrcanus helped assist him, who had betrothed his daughter to Herod. After Antony heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus, which side he thought to be the best to govern a state. When he had answered on the young men's behalf, Antony who loved them because he had been kindly entertained by their father, made them both tetrarchs. He left them the government of all Judea and wrote letters also to this purpose and put fifteen of their adversaries in prison. He would have put them to death, had not Herod interceded for them. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 23.}

5374. A thousand men came from Jerusalem to Tyre to Antony, who were already bribed by the brethren, and ordered the magistrates of that place that they should kill the ambassadors. They said the men were instigators of seditions and that they should help the tetrarchs. However, Herod and Hyrcanus came to them at that time outside the city on the sea shore and advised them earnestly to withdraw. They admonished them what danger would ensue if they followed this plan but they ignored this advice. Thereupon certain Jews and the inhabitants of that city, rose up against them and killed and wounded some. However, Hyrcanus helped the wounded to recover and had the dead buried. The rest fled home. When the people did nothing but rail against Herod, Antony, in his displeasure, killed those that he had in prison. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 23.}

5375. Cleopatra returned home and Antony sent cavalry to plunder Palmyra, a city located not far from the Euphrates River. This crime against them was done under the pretence that they might enrich the cavalry. They lived in the confines of the Romans and Parthians and were merchants who carried from Persia, Indian and Arabian wares to the Romans. When the Palmyreni had an inkling of what was up, they carried their goods to the other side of the river and placed archers to keep them off. They excelled in archery. When the cavalry found the city empty, they returned without any plunder or bloodshed. Thereupon shortly after this the Parthian war started. Many tyrants from Syria, whom Antony had expelled, fled to the Parthians and asked them to seize Syria. {Appian, l. 5. p. 676, 677.}

3964a AM, 4673 JP, 41 BC

5376. When Antony had imposed heavy tributes on the people and had thus offended the city of Palmyra, he did not stay to settle the troubles of the province. He divided his army into winter quarters and he went into Egypt to Cleopatra {Appian, l. 5. p. 677.} and left Plancas in Asia and Saxa in Syria. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371.} This was Decidius Saxa whom Cicero mentioned in his book {Cicero, Philippic 13} as one of M. Antonys' guard and Livy {Livy, l. 127.} stated he was his lieutenant in Syria.

5377. These actions caused seditions. The inhabitants of the island Aradus did not obey those who were sent to them to collect tribute and the islanders killed some of them. The Parthians previously were rebellious and now they made many more insurrections against the Romans. The Parthian forces were under the command of Labienus and Pacorus, the son of Orodes. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371}
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« Reply #438 on: December 10, 2006, 01:13:35 PM »

5378. Eusebius wrote this about the Aradians: {Eusebius, Chronicles}

``Curtius Sulassus was burnt alive with four cohorts in the island Aradus because he too zealously exacted their tributes.''

5379. Livy noted that Labienus {Livy, l. 127.} was of Pompey's faction. Plutarch wrote: {Plutarch, in Antony}

``When the forces of the Parthians were prepared to attack, Labienus was made their general for the expedition of the Parthians. When the king's general was about to attack Syria, Antony was drawn away to Alexandria by Cleopatra.''

5380. From this the compiler of the Parthian account {Parthian Story of Appian, p. 155, 156.} is to be corrected. He foolishly insinuates that Labienus was brought by the king's captains to Alexandria. However, Dio explained both the origin and progress of this expedition like this:

5381. After the defeat of Philippi, Labienus thought that the conquerors would not pardon any of their opponents. He thought it better to live with barbarians than to die in his own country and therefore he stayed with the Parthians. As soon as he understood the carelessness and sloth of Antony and his love and journey into Egypt, he advised the Parthians to make war upon the Romans. The Roman armies were partially cut off, partially under strength and the rest disagreed among themselves. It looked like civil war would break out at any time. Therefore he persuaded the king, that while Caesar was detained in Italy because of Sextus Pompeius and Antony gave himself over to his love in Egypt, the king might subdue Syria and the countries around it. He promised him also that he would go as the general of this war so that he might provoke many countries to revolt from the Romans. They were offended with the Romans for the continual damages and tributes with which they afflicted them. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371, 372.}

5382. When he had persuaded the king to make war, he received many forces from him along with his son, Pacorus. Labienus invaded Phoenicia and attacked Apamea and was repulsed from the wall. He took the garrisons that were placed in that country by their voluntary surrender to him. These consisted of the soldiers of Cassius and Brutus whom Antony had chosen for his army and had left to keep Syria since they knew the country well. Therefore, Labienus easily persuaded them to join his side since they already knew him. Everyone did except Saxa who commanded them. He was the brother of Decidius Saxa, the lieutenant of Antony, and his quaestor. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371, 372.}

5383. Labienus defeated Saxa in a battle by the number and valour of his cavalry. He persuaded him as he fled by night from his camp. He had before shot notices into his camp to draw his soldiers to his side. Saxa greatly feared this and fled. Labienus overtook him and killed most of those who were with him. When Saxa had fled to Antioch, Labienus took Apamea which no longer resisted him because it was generally reported that Saxa was dead. He also took Antioch after Saxa deserted it. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371, 372.}

5384. M. Antony was splendidly entertained by Cleopatra and wintered in Egypt without his imperial ensigns. He did this either because he was in another person's government and royal city or because he would solemnize the festival days in his winter quarters. He set aside all business for his country and he wore the Greek four cornered robe and the white Attic shoes called Phaecusium which the Athenian and Alexandrian priests used. When he went out, he went only to the temples or places of exercise or to the meetings of philosophers. He always kept company with the Greeks and courted Cleopatra, who was the main reason he came, as he himself said. {Appian, l. 5. p. 677.}

5385. Antony gave himself over to luxurious living with Cleopatra and the Egyptians. He whiled his time away even to his utter destruction. {Dio, l. 48. p. 373.} Plutarch describes at length the luxury of him and his son. He also stated those things concerning this business that Philotus, the Amphissian physician, told his grandfather Lamprias, who was then at that time at Alexandria following his studies.

5386. Cleopatra was with him night and day. She played dice with him, drank with him, hunted with him and saw him exercising himself in his arms. She accompanied him by night through the streets as he was eavesdropping at the gates and windows of the citizens and talked to those who were inside. She walked with him as he was clad in the clothes of a serving maid for he often wore such clothes himself. Thereupon he returned home often well jeered and often well beaten. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5387. Antony detained the ambassadors that were sent to him from the Italian colonies either because it was winter or because he wanted to conceal his counsels. {Appian, l. 5. p. 701} In the meantime, Caesar Octavian besieged the consul L. Antony, Antony's brother, at Perasium in Hetruria. {Appian, l. 5. p. 689.}

3964b AM, 4674 JP, 40 BC

5388. When Cn. Domitius Calvinus and Asinius Pollio being consuls, Perusia was taken by Octavian. {Dio, l. 48. p. 365.}

5389. Labienus followed Saxa as he fled into Cilicia and killed him there. {Dio, l. 48. p. 372.}

``Labienus went from Brutus' camp to the Parthians and led an army of them into Syria. He killed the lieutenant of Antony, who had very badly oppressed the transmarine provinces.''

5390. This is according to Paterculus. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 5.} Florus stated: {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.}

``Saxa (for thus it is to be read there; not Casca) the lieutenant, committed suicide so that he might not fall into his enemies' hands.''

5391. After Saxa was dead, Pacorus subdued all Syria except Tyre. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 5.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.} {Livy, l. 127.} Here the Romans who were left along with friendly Syrians, had taken it before. They could not be persuaded or forced to yield because the Parthians had no fleet with them. {Dio, l. 48. p. 365.}

5392. In the second year {Josephus, l. 14. c. 23.} that is from the coming of Antony into Syria when Pacorus the king's son and Barzipharnes, a ruler of the Parthians, had seized Lysia, Ptolemais, the son of Mennaeus, died. His successor in the kingdom of Lysia was his son Lysanias. (Dio said he was made king of the Ituraeans by Antony.) He became friends with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, a noble man, who could do much with him and reconciled them.

5393. At the beginning of the spring, Antony went against the Parthians. He came as far as Phoenicia and came to Tyre. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 701.} He sailed there as if he would bring help to the city. When he saw all the surrounding country was seized by the enemy, he left under the pretence of engaging in the war against Sextus Pompeius. On the contrary, he used the excuse of the Parthian war for the reason that he did not go sooner against Pompey. So it happened that he neither came to help his allies under pretence of Pompey neither helped Italy, under the pretence of the allies. {Dio, l. 48. p. 373.}

5394. As he was passing the continent and sailed by Cyprus and Rhodes to Asia, he heard of the news of the siege of Perusina. He accused his brother Lucius and his wife Fulvia but more especially Manius, who was his representative in Italy in his absence. He then sailed into Greece and met his mother Julia and his wife Fulvia who had fled from Italy. From there as he sailed into Italy, he took Sipus. {Dio, l. 48. p. 373.} {Appian, l. 5. p. 679, 701.}

5395. After Fulvia died at Sicyon, her husband Antony was persuaded by his mother Julia and L. Cocceius to make peace with Caesar. Antony recalled Sextus Pompeius (with whom he had already entered into a league,) into Sicily, as it were to provide for those things that they had agreed upon. He sent Domitius Aenobarbus into Bithynia to govern there. {Appian, l. 5. p. 707. 708.} He knew that Marcellus, the husband of Octavia, the most beloved sister of Caesar, although by another mother, had recently died. To more firmly confirm a peace, Octavia was betrothed to Antony. He did not hide his involvement with Cleopatra but he denied that she was his wife. {Appian, l. 5. p. 709.} {Livy, l. 127.} {Plutarch, in Antony}

5396. They divided the Roman Empire between them. They made Codropolis, a town of Illyricum, (which seemed to be located within the northern most part of the Adriatic Gulf) to be the boundary of each one's dominions. All the eastern countries, as well as the islands and provinces, both of Europe and Asia, even to the river Euphrates, were allocated to Antony. The western areas of Sardinia, Dalmatia, Spain, and Gaul were allocated to Caesar. The provinces of Africa had been given to Lepidus the triumviri from Caesar and Sextus Pompeius had seized Sicily. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 709.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 374.}

5397. The war against Pompeius was assigned to Caesar unless something else happened and Antony took on the Parthian war to revenge the wrong done to Crassus. Domitius Aenobarbus (although he was one of the murderers of Julius Caesar) was taken into a league by Caesar on the same condition that he was formerly by Antony. It was added to the league that it might be lawful for both the generals to muster the same number of legions from Italy. On these articles, the last league was made between Caesar and Antony. (Appian. l. 5. p. 709.)
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« Reply #439 on: December 10, 2006, 01:14:05 PM »

5398. Caesar and Antony entered Rome and made a speech about the joy of the peace that was made between them. {Gruter, inscript. p. 197.} The citizens entertained them as in a triumph and clothed them in a triumphal robe. They had them see the plays and seated them in ivory chairs. {Dio. l. 48. p. 375.} The marriage between Antony and Octavia was solemnised who was quite pregnant. The law forbid any woman to marry until ten months after the death of her husband but the time was reduced by a decree of the senate. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 78.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 710.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 375. fin.} Antony put Manius to death because he had exasperated Fulvia by his often complaining about Cleopatra and because he had been the cause of so many evils. {Appian, l. 5. p. 710.}

5399. Asinius Pollio, had a son born in his consulship, whom he called Salonius. He was named after the city of Salonae of Spalato in Dalmatia. Virgil wrote singing verses about the birth of Salonius Pollio from the Cumaean or Sibylline poems. He classified the ages of the world by metals and in the tenth and last age of the world, (in which Solar Apollo was to rule) he foretold that there all things would be restored and stated that this year the golden age (and with it the Virgin, Erigone or Aftraea, who had left the earth in the Iron Age) should return again. {Servius, in Virgil, Eclogue. 4.} In the description, the poet seems to have inserted those things which either he had heard spoken about by the Jews, whom Cicero {Cicero, pro Flaccus} said that there were many Jews who lived at Rome around the Aurelian stairs. Otherwise Virgil had read this in the books of the prophets which were available in the Greek language.

5400. Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, captured Syria and went into Palestine and deposed Hyrcanus who was appointed by the Romans to govern that country. He put his brother, Aristobulus in his place. Thus Dio, {Dio, l. 48. p. 372, 373.} confuses Aristobulus, the father, with Antigonus the son, when as he later always calls this Antigonus, the king and not Aristobulus. {Dio, l. 48. p. 382. & l. 49. p. 405.} Josephus describes the matter in detail.

5401. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, said that he would give the Parthians 1000 talents and 500 women, if they would give the kingdom from Hyrcanus to him and kill Herod and all his relatives. Although he did not do this, the Parthians marched with their army towards Judea to claim the kingdom for Antigonus. Pacorus, the king's son went by sea and Barzapharnes by land. The Tyrians shut their gates against him but the Sidonians and those of Ptolemais opened their gates to him. He sent a squadron of cavalry under Pacorus, the king's butler, into Judea ahead of him to see what was to be done and he ordered that they should help Antigonus.

5402. The Jews who lived at Mount Carmel, allied themselves with Antigonus and were ready with him to invade the enemies' country. He began to get some hope that with their help he might subdue the country of Drynos. He encountered his enemies and chased them right up to Jerusalem.

5403. Antigonus' side was greatly increased and they attacked the king's house which Phasaelus and Herod defended. In the market place there was a fight between them and the enemies were overcome by the brethren and fled into the temple. They besieged them in the temple and they appointed 60 men to keep them and placed them in the adjoining houses. The people bore a grudge against the brethren and burnt them with fire. Herod was very angry and killed many of the people. Every hour, one laid wait for another, so that everyday some were murdered.

5404. When the day of Pentecost arrived, there were many thousands of men, as well armed as unarmed, gathered about the temple from all parts of the country. They seized the temple and the city, except the king's house. Herod kept the king's house with a few soldiers as his brother Phasaelus held out on the walls. Herod who was helped by his brother, attacked his enemies in the suburbs and forced many thousands to flee either into the city, the temple or the rampart which was near the city.

5405. In the meantime, Antigonus asked that Pacorus, the general of the Parthians might be admitted to conclude a peace between them. Pacorus was entertained by Phasaelus and Pacorus persuaded him that he should go as ambassador to Barzapharnes. He laid an ambush for Phasaelus which he suspected and did not go. Herod did not approve of this matter because of the perfidiousness of the barbarians. He advised rather that he would kill Pacorus and those that came with him. Therefore, Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on with their embassy and Pacorus left with Herod 200 horsemen and ten whom they call Elutheri and took with him the ambassadors.

5406. As soon as they were come into Galilee, the governors of those towns came out against them in arms. Barzapharnes welcomed them with a cheerful countenance and gave gifts to them but later made ambushes for them. Phasaelus was brought with his train to a place near the seaside, called Ecdippon. Ophellus, learned from Saramulla, the richest of all the Syrians, that there were ambushes set for Phasaelus and offered him a ship to escape. He was unwilling to leave Hyrcanus and his brother Herod in jeopardy and expostulated with Barzapharnes concerning the wrongs done to the ambassadors. He swore that these things were not true and soon went to Pacorus.

5407. He was no sooner gone then Hyrcanus and Phasaclus were thrown in prison after protesting the perjury of the Parthians. An eunuch was also sent to Herod with orders to surprise him if he could get him out of the city. When Herod knew from others what had happened to his brother, he took with him what forces he had with him and put the women on horses, that is, his mother Cybele, his sister Salome, his wife Mariamme, and the mother of his wife Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus. With these his youngest brother Pheroras, their servants and the rest of the company, Herod fled by night into Idumaea unknown to his enemies.

5408. On the journey, his mother was almost killed when her coach overturned. Herod was so terrified, lest the enemy should overtake them while they stayed there that he thought to kill himself with his own sword. He was restrained by them that were about him and he went towards Masada, a most strongly fortified place, which was located in the country of Arabia, and Palestine. He took the shortest way possible. First the Parthians pursued him and then the Jews. When he was only 7.5 miles from Jerusalem he defeated both of them in a battle.

5409. After he came to Ressa, a village of Idumea, his brother Joseph came to him. He saw that they brought so large multitude with them plus mercenary soldiers that the citadel at Masada where they were planning to flee to, could not hold them. Herod dismissed most of them. He told 9000 to take care of themselves in Idumaea and gave them food. He selected the best men, and his nearest friends and he went into the citadel. He left the women with the rest of their companions there because there was plenty of grain, water and other provisions. He went to Petra, a city of Arabia.

5410. The next day after he fled from Jerusalem, the Parthians, plundered all the goods of the citizens of Jerusalem including the king's house. Only the treasure of Hyrcanus, which was 300 talents, was untouched and a large part of Herod's wealth that he providently had carried into Idumaea. The Parthians were not content with the plunder of the city but went out of the city and harassed the country also. They destroyed the rich city of Marissa.

5411. Antigonus, was brought back into his country, by the king of the Parthians and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus who were then prisoners. He was very much grieved that the women had escaped whom he had intended to turn over to the Parthians. Also the money that he had promised to give them was gone. He was afraid lest Hyrcanus, whom the Parthians held prisoner, should again by the favour of the people, be restored into his kingdom. He cut off his ears that so he might be rendered unfit for the priesthood. The law forbid anyone who lacked any member from being in the priesthood. Le 21:17-21

5412. Phasaclus knew that he was appointed to be executed. Since he could not easily commit suicide because his hands were chained, he beat out his own brains against a stone. Before he was dead, he heard by a woman that his brother Herod had escaped. He greatly rejoiced that there was left one to revenge his death. Although Parthians missed the women whom they wanted the most, they settled all things at Jerusalem with Antigonus. When they departed, they took Hyrcanus along with them as a prisoner into Parthia. {Josephus Wars, l. 1. c. 11., Antiq. l. 14. c. 24, 25.}
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« Reply #440 on: December 10, 2006, 01:14:50 PM »

5413. At the same time Labienus took Cilicia and all the cities, except Stratonicea, located in the continent of Asia. (From fear of him, Plancus, the lieutenant of Antony in Asia, had fled to the island.) He took most without a fight but Melissa and Alabanda, he took by force. When those cities had entertained a garrison from Labienus, on a certain festival day, they killed the garrison and revolted. Therefore after Labienus had captured Alabanda, he executed the citizens. He destroyed Melissa after it was abandoned by its inhabitants. Although he besieged Stratonicea for a long time, yet could he not take the city. Finally, when he had gotten their money and robbed their temples, he called himself the Parthian emperor but for a different reason from the Romans. He gave himself that name after the name of the forces that he led against the Romans as if he had conquered them and not his fellow citizens. {Dio, l. 43. p. 373.}

5414. Hence the Parthians, conquered for themselves under pretence of auxiliaries for Labienus, their captain. They invaded from the Euphrates into Syria as far as Ionium and behaved more like thieves than enemies. {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, in Syriac, p. 120, in Parthic, p. 134, 156, Civil War, p. 709.} To stop this, Antony sent his lieutenant, M. Ventidius Bassus, into Asia. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, p. 156, & 709.}

5415. Ventidius came quickly to Labienus before he knew anything of it. Labienus was terrified by his sudden arrival and he was without his forces. He had none with him except some soldiers gathered from Asia and he did not have any Parthians. Hence he dared not meet him but fled. Ventidius followed him as he fled with his light harnessed soldiers and caught up with him at the Taurus Mountains and would not let him go any farther. {Dio, l. 48. p. 380, 381.}

5416. In that place they stayed quietly for many days in their camps opposite each other. Labienus waited for the Parthians and Ventidius expected his legions. In those days both wanted to hide. Ventidius feared the Parthian cavalry and stayed up high for there he had made his camp. The Parthians trusted their numbers and despised those whom they had defeated in past times. Before they joined with Labienus, they went early in the morning toward the hill. The Romans boldly came out to them and the Parthians intended to go even to the top of the hill. When they came up, the Romans ran toward them and without much work forced them into a disorderly retreat. The Romans killed some of the Parthians but the most were killed by their own side in their retreat when they saw that some were fleeing when some had just arrived at the hill. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381.}

5417. Ventidius followed the Parthians that fled into Cilicia to their camp. They did not go toward Labienus. Ventidius saw that Labienus still stood there. When Labienus had set his men in array, he saw that his men were astonished by the flight of the barbarians and he dared not fight. He intended to escape somewhere by night. When Ventidius found out about this from some fugitives from Labienus, he killed many of them as they left by setting ambushes. All the rest deserted Labienus and he fled. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381.}

5418. Labienus changed his attire and after he had hid in Cilicia for some time, he was sought out and taken by Demetrius who then governed Cyprus for Antony. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381.}

5419. When these things were done, Ventidius recovered and settled Cilicia. He sent ahead of him, Popedius Silo, with cavalry to the Amanus Mountain. It was located in the region of Cilicia and Syria. He went to take control of the passes. Silo was unable to capture a citadel that was there and also was in extreme danger from Pharnapates, the lieutenant of Pacorus, who held that pass. Silo had been utterly routed but Ventidius came by chance as they were fighting and so brought him help. He attacked the outnumbered Parthians suddenly and Pharnapates along with many others were killed. Ventidius recovered Syria without fighting after the Parthians had abandoned it. He only fought at Aradus. The Arabians feared the punishment for their bold attacks against Antony and did not surrender to Ventidius even though he attacked them for some time. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381, 382.}

5420. Herod did not know of his brother Phasaelus' death and went to Malchus, the king of the Arabians (Nabateans) who was obliged to him for many favours Herod had done for him. He was willing to spend 300 talents to redeem his brother as soon as he could from the enemy. For this reason, he took with him Phasaelus, his brother's son, a child of seven years old, to leave him as a pledge with the Arabians. However, he was met by some who were sent from Malchus to him. They told him he should leave Malchus' kingdom for so the Parthians had ordered. However, this was only a pretence he and his nobles agreed to so they could defraud Herod of the treasure which his father Antipater had committed to their custody. Herod was very discouraged and returned to a certain temple where he had left many of his followers. The next day when he came to Rhinocorura, he heard of his brother's death. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5421. Malchus was sorry for his ingratitude and quickly sent after Herod. He could not overtake him for he was gone far on his way to Pelusium. The sailors who were to sail to Alexandria, denied him passage. Herod was honourably entertained by the magistrates of the place and brought to Cleopatra, the queen. She could not detain him because he was hurried to Rome although the sea was very stormy and the affairs in Italy at that time were in bad condition. It was not yet winter time, (as Salianus had observed Tormellus, 4014 AM, num. 26, 27.) I take that ceimwio ogto in Josephus concerning a storm at sea. Herod ignored the storms and sailed from Alexandria toward Pamphylia. He ran into a violent storm and had to throw most of his goods overboard and barely got to Rhodes. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5422. He was met at Rhodes by two of his best friends, Sappinas and Ptolemais. They found that the city had suffered much in the war against Cassius. He could not be restrained in even his present poverty but wanted to do something for Rhodes even above his ability. He had a frigate to be built. Then Herod embarked with his friends and he arrived at Brundusium in Italy. From there he went to Rome and told Antony those things which had happened to him and his family. He mentioned the storms dia comdto and recounted all the dangers and that he had retired to Antony, his only refuge in whom all his hope lay. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5423. The story stirred Antony and he recalled also his father's friendship. He was especially moved by the promise of money if he made Herod king and his hatred of Antigonus who was a man of a turbulent spirit and an enemy to the Romans. This made him more inclined to Herod. Caesar was also moved. Antipater had been a fellow soldier with his father in Egypt and for other courtesies which Antipater had showed his father. To satisfy Antony whom he knew was well disposed to Herod, Caesar was willing to promote his endeavours. Thereupon, the senate was called. Messala and Atratinus brought out Herod. After they had praised him, they recalled the services and good will that both his father and he had done for the Romans. They accused Antigonus for previous crimes and for his recent sedition against the Romans. He had received the kingdom from the Parthians. When Antony had declared to the senate, how helpful it would be to the Parthian war that was still raging if Herod should be made king. Antigonus was declared an enemy and the kingly title was given to Herod by their general consent. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5424. After the senate was dismissed, Antony and Caesar went out and led Herod between them. They were accompanied by the consuls and other magistrates. They went up to the capitol to sacrifice there and to place the decree of the senate there. Antony feasted the new king on the first day of his reign. Hence Herod obtained the kingdom in the 185th Olympiad, (not 184th as it is in Josephus.) Domitius Calvinus 2nd and Asinius Pollio were consuls. Within seven days, Antony dismissed Herod from Italy who was honoured with this unexpected friendship. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

3965a AM, 4674 JP, 40 BC

5425. At the same time of Herod's absence, Antigonus attacked his family in Masada. They had plenty of provisions but lacked water. For this reason, Herod's brother, Joseph, planned with 200 of his friends to escape to the Arabians. He had heard that Malchus now repented of the ingratitude that he had showed to Herod. However, it rained that night and he changed his mind for the cisterns were filled with water. They made a gallant sally out and killed many of Antigonus' men, in the open field and in surprise attacks. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5426. Ventidius easily recovered Palestine. Antigonus who was its king, was very afraid and Ventidius exacted huge sums of money from all men, especially from Antigonus, Antiochus (Commagenian) and Malchus the Nabatean. They had helped Pacorus. {Dio, l. 48. p. 382.} He came also into Palestine, under the pretence to help Joseph. His real purpose was to extort money from Antigonus. Therefore he camped near Jerusalem and drew from him a sufficient sum of money and to the intent that his fraudulent dealing should not be discovered, he left Silo there with some part of his forces. Antigonus was to obey Silo lest he should create some new troubles. He hoped the Parthians would come to his aid. (??) {Joseph. l. 14. c. 26.}

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« Reply #441 on: December 10, 2006, 01:15:36 PM »

5427. There was in the company of Antony an Egyptian, an astrologer who told him that although his fortune was most splendid and great, it was obscured by the fortune of Caesar. Therefore he persuaded him to get as far away from that young man as he could, for your genius is afraid of his genius. When your genius is erect and high when alone, it becomes more remiss when Caesar draws near. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5428. After these things, Antony went to go to the Parthian war. He had all his acts, those past and future, confirmed by the senate. Again, he dismissed many of his commanders and settled all things as he wished. He made some kings by his own authority who would only pay a certain tribute. He made Herod, king both of the Idumeans and Samaritans, Darius (the son of Pharnaces and nephew of Mithridates) of Pontus, Amyntus of the Pisidians, Polemon of part of Cilicia and other kings in other countries. {Appian, l. 5. p. 715.} He committed the care of his family to Caesar and he left Italy and took Octavia with him into Greece. He had one son by her. {Plutarch, in Antony} He stayed there many days. {Dio, l. 48. p. 380.}

5429. Normally, Antony would winter his army around him. However, to get them accustomed to plunder and exercise, he sent them against the Parthieni, a country of Illyria which in previous times greatly troubled Brutus. He sent others against the Dardanians who also lived in Illyria and were in the habit of invading Macedonia. He ordered others to stay with him in Epirus that he might have them all around him. He planned to make Athens his winter quarters. He sent also Furnius into Africa, that he might lead the four legions of Sextius against the Parthians for he had not as yet heard that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. When these things were done, he wintered at Athens with Octavia as he had done before at Alexandria with Cleopatra. {Appian, l. 5. p. 715, 716.}

5430. As he wintered at Athens, he heard early reports about Ventidius' good success. He learned that the Parthians were defeated and Ventidius had killed Labienus and Pharnapates or Phraates the chief general of king Herod or Orodes. For these victories, he made a feast for the Greeks and held games for the people of Athens. He was the main person in the games. Therefore he left at home his imperial ensigns and went abroad with the rods that judges in such exercises used. He was clothed with coats and shoes called Phaecasia. He joined the young gamesters. When they had contended as long as he thought good, he ended the games. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5431. Antony was praised at Rome and processions were decreed in his name. Ventidius received no reward as decreed by the senate, because he was not a general but carried on the war under the authority of another. {Dio, l. 48. p. 382.}

5432. Castor received the countries of Attalus and Dejotarus after they had died. {Dio, l. 48. p. 277.}

5433. When Herod returned from Italy to Ptolemais, he gathered a number of mercenaries and those of his own country and hurried through Galilee against Antigonus. He was helped by Silo and Ventidius, to whom Dellius (for so his name is to be read, {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15., c. 2.} not Gellius) was sent from Antony with orders that they should help him get his kingdom. Ventidius was by chance detained for settling the uprisings in various cities that the Parthians had caused. Silo was in Judea but bribed with money from Antigonus. However, Herod's forces increased daily and all of Galilee with few exceptions stood by Herod. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5434. As Herod was marching to Masada to help his family, Joppa would not let him pass. He must first take the city from the possession of the enemy because he would not leave behind him any fortification on his march to Jerusalem. Silo had taken Jerusalem and dislodged Antigonus' army. When the Jews pursued him, Herod met them with a small band of men and saved Silo who fought very cowardly. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5435. After Joppa was taken, he hurried to Masada to deliver his family from the siege. His army was greatly increased and many of the country people joined with him. After he had freed his friends from Masada, he approached Jerusalem in spite of Antigonus who had made ambushes for him in all convenient places. The soldiers also of Silo followed him and many of the Jews were terrified by his power. When he had camped on the west side of the city, those that held the walls on that side shot at him with their arrows. Various men came out in troops and attacked their quarters. Herod commanded an herald to proclaim around the walls that he came for the public good and for the preservation of the city and that he would pardon all former wrongs. On the other side, Antigonus talked to Silo and the Romans. He told them that it was unjust to give the kingdom to Herod who was a private man and an Idumaean, that is, an half Jew. By custom, it ought to be given to the priests. When as Antigonus' men, valiantly shot from the towers and had driven the enemy from the walls, he bribed secretly some Silo's soldiers whom he knew. They were to demand more provisions and money to buy them with. Also they were to request to be withdrawn into more commodious winter quarters. Thereupon the army was troubled and was preparing to leave. Herod intreated the captains and soldiers of Silo's army that they would not leave him now. He was sent both by Caesar and Antony and all the rest of the senate. Soon he sent his soldiers into the country and removed any pretence for Silo to leave. They returned with an abundant supply of provisions that was more than anyone could hope for. He ordered his friends who lived around Samaria that they should bring to Jericho, grain, wine, oil, cattle and other necessaries so that for the future, there might be enough for the soldiers. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5436. When Antigonus knew this, he sent into the country troops to intercept those bringing supplies. However, Herod captured them with his ten cohorts, five were Romans and five were Jews. Herod intermixed some foreign soldiers and a few cavalry with them and went to Jericho. He found the city empty of the inhabitants. 500 had fled with their families to the tops of the hills. Herod captured these and let them go again. The Romans entered the city and plundered it. They found the houses full of all precious things. Herod left a garrison and returned and dismissed the Roman army to winter in the countries that had recently surrendered to him. These were Idumaea, Galilee and Samaria. Antigonus also obtained by bribing Silo that part of the Roman army should be lodged in Lydda to please Antony. Thus the Romans lived in plenty and free from bearing arms. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

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5437. Herod was not idle. He sent his brother Joseph into Idumaea with 1000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry. Herod went into Samaria, and there settled his mother and the rest of his family whom he had taken from Masada. He then marched into Galilee and surprised some places that were held by Antigonus' garrisons. When he came to Sephorus in snowy weather, Antigonus' men fled from there and Herod took great amounts of provisions. From there he sent a cavalry troop and three companies of foot soldiers against some thieves who lived in caves near the village of Arbella. He wanted to keep them in check. On the 40th day Herod came there with the whole army whom the enemy boldly met. They made his left wing begin to waver, until he arrived with the main body and helped them. He forced his enemy that was winning, to flee and his own men who were fleeing to stand. He was not content with this and he followed the chase as far as the Jordan River. By this he subdued all Galilee except those that inhabited the caves. He gave every soldier 150 drachmas and more to the captains. Then he dismissed them into their winter quarters. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5438. In the meantime, Silo came to him with his captains who had wintered with Antigonus, for he would not supply them any longer than one month. Antigonus had sent to the inhabitants around there and ordered them, to destroy all supplies in the country and to flee to the mountains. He did this so that the Romans might perish through famine. However, Herod committed the care of the provisions to his brother, Pheroras and ordered him to rebuild Alexandrium. In a short time Pheroras had furnished the soldiers with abundance of all necessaries and rebuilt Alexandrium again which was previously destroyed. About this time Antony stayed at Athens. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}
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« Reply #442 on: December 10, 2006, 01:16:23 PM »

5439. When P. Ventidius heard that Pacorus was gathering an army and coming into Syria, he was afraid. The cities were not guarded and the armies still dispersed in their winter quarters. Therefore to stop Pacorus and buy time to get his own forces together, he went to Chaunaeus, a certain governor with whom he was well acquainted and he knew was friendly to the Parthians. Nevertheless he highly honoured him as if he had been his faithful friend and asked his advice in some affairs. He pretended to let him think he was in on his most secret plans. Hence he pretended as though he were afraid lest the Parthians not follow their usual crossing over the Euphrates River at Zeugma and use some lower part of the river. That area was a plain and better for the Parthian cavalry and the other place was hilly and favoured him. Then he persuaded Chaunaeus and by him deceived Pacorus. The Parthians took the longer march through the plain (through which Ventidius pretended he did not want them to go.) This gave Ventidius time to collect his forces. This is how Dio related the story. {Dio, l. 56. p. 403, 404.} Frontinus stated it happened this way. {Frontinus, Stratagem. l. 10. c. 1.} Ventidius, in the Parthian war against King Pacorus, knew that Pharneus who was a Cyrrhestian and pretended to be one of his allies, told the Parthians whatever was done in his camp. He used the perfidiousness of the barbarian to his own advantage. For those things that he most desired, he pretended as though he were afraid they should happen. Those he was most afraid of, he made as though he desired. He was really afraid lest the Parthians would cross the Euphrates River before that his legions could come to him which he had in Cappadocia on the other side of Taurus. He very carefully deceived the traitor that by his normal spying, he would persuade the Parthians that they should cross over with their army at Zeugma. Here the journey is shorter and the channel not so deep. If they came that way, he affirmed that he could make much use of the hills to evade the archers but he was very afraid if they should come by the plain.

5440. Antony spent the winter at Athens with great luxury and enjoying the pleasure of Octavia, as if he had been a different man. He returned to the old Roman virtues. Now the lictors were around the gates and the captains and his guards with him. He arranged all things to make men afraid of him. Ambassadors now had an audience who had waited a long time. Justice was administered, the ships were launched and all things were done quickly. {Appian, l. 5. p. 716.} Finally, he took a crown from the sacred olive tree and was ready to go to war. To satisfy a certain oracle, he carried with him a vessel filled from the Mountain Clapsydra. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5441. In Syria, Ventidius sent for Silo to go against the Parthians. He ordered him first to help Herod and then to bring Herod along with the rest of the auxiliaries of those provinces. However, Herod, had sent Silo to him and marched with his soldiers against the thieves that lived in the caves. Josephus gives more details about this. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 12, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.}

5442. Herod made Ptolemais governor of the country but his government was disturbed when it was invaded by those who previously bothered that country. Ptolemais was killed. After this the invaders retired to the marshes and unaccessible places and robbed and invaded all that country. When Herod returned, he made them pay dearly for their thievery. Some of the rebellious persons were killed and others fled into fortified places. Herod conquered them and he punished them. He razed their strong holds and got rid of the leaders of these revolts. He fined the cities 100 talents. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 12, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.}

5443. Pacorus arrived in Syria with numerous Parthian forces that went by the shorter route at Zeugma while he brought his army around by the plain. While the barbarians made a bridge between the wider banks, it was more unwieldy. It took 40 days to come with their army and the engines. Ventidius used this time to gather his forces which he received only three days before the Parthians came. Ventidius had allowed them to cross the river for he did not attack them in their crossing. He made them think that the Romans were effeminate and cowards. Ventidius pretended fear and did not attack them but suffered the insults of the Parthians for a long time. At last he sent some of the legions against them when they were in security and not watchful. On the first attack the Parthians were discomfited and routed. When Pacorus saw his men fleeing, he thought that all the legions had attacked them. Therefore he attacked Ventidius' camp, with his main body, as though it had been left without anyone to defend it. It was located on an hill and when the Parthian cavalry attacked it, they were easily pushed down the precipice by a sudden sally that the Romans made. However, Ventidius did not lead out the rest of the legions from the camp again, until they were come within half a mile of him. Then he made so sudden assault when they were near him. Their arrows were no use against him because he was still too far away. By this plan, he quickly set upon the barbarians who were over confident. His slingers helped him very much and exceedingly afflicted the barbarians with their violent strokes from a distance. However the Parthians, of whom many were armed at all points, fought stoutly. Pacorus himself valiantly fought and was killed. A few courageously strove in vain for his body. Ventidius killed all the Parthian cavalry all along between the Orontes and Euphrates Rivers. He killed over 20,000 which was the most the Parthians had lost in any war. Those that tried to get home over the bridge were prevented by their enemies and were killed. Others fled into Commagena, to King Antiochus. Thus Ventidius again drove the Parthians within Media and Mesopotamia, but would not pursue them any farther for fear of the envy of Antony. {Livy, l. 128.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.} {Strabo, l. 16. p. 751.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 78.} {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.} {Gellius, l. 15. c. 4. ex Suetonius} {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Julius Frontonius, Stratagem, l. 1. c. 1, l. 2. c. 2} {Dio, l. 49. p. 404} {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}

5444. The most famous victory was obtained in Syria Cyrrestica. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 404} {Strabo, l. 16. p. 751.} Pacorus was killed on the same day of the year when fourteen years earlier, his father, Orodes, had killed Crassus by his captain Surena. {Dio. l. 49. p. 404.} {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} This happened in the month of June. {Ovid, Fasti, l. 6.}

5445. Ventidius made an expedition against those who had revolted and subdued them. {Plutarch, in Antony} The Syrians loved Pacorus very much for his justice and clemency and never had any king like him. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404.} Therefore, when Syria was uncertain about the outcome of the war, Ventidius carried about Pacorus' head to all the cities that had revolted. He easily restored order without any fighting. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.}

5446. Orodes had previously heard that Syria was wasted and Asia seized by the Parthians and he gloried that Pacorus had conquered the Romans. When he suddenly heard of his son's death and the destruction of his army, he went mad for very grief. For many days, he spoke to no one nor ate anything. He was speechless so that he seemed to be stricken dumb. After many days, when grief had restored his voice, he did nothing but call to Pacorus to speak and stand beside him. Then again he would with many tears bewail the loss of him. (Justin. l. 42. c. 4.)

5447. At Rome, the senate decreed for this victory against the Parthians, processions and a triumph. As of yet, Ventidius had never triumphed because he was not a general and according to the laws, because it was his province. These things were decreed for Antony because he seemed abundantly to have recompensed the defeat of Crassus by the destruction of Pacorus. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404, 405.}

5448. Ventidius led his army against Antiochus, the Commagenian, under the pretence that he had not given him his servants. He really wanted all of Antiochus' treasure. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404.}

5449. Ventidius attacked Antiochus and besieged him in Samosata. He promised to give Ventidius 1000 talents and that he would obey Antony. Ventidius ordered him to send ambassadors to Antony (for he was far from there) to demand peace from him. Only Antony could grant peace and Ventidius did not want to appear to have acted alone in this. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5450. Antony ordered Ventidius to send Machaeras to help Herod with two legions and 1000 cavalry. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.} Antony was happy but envious of both the victories Ventidius had over Labienus and Pacorus. Ventidius had good success all by himself. Although there were processions and a triumph decreed to him for both the victories that Ventidius had gotten, yet Antony removed him from his charge, (the government of Syria) and neither then nor later used his help any more. Thus wrote Dio. However, Plutarch wrote that Ventidius was honoured by Antony and that he was sent by Antony to the triumph.

 
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« Reply #443 on: December 10, 2006, 01:17:16 PM »

5451. Machaeras at the instigation of Antigonus with the approval of Herod, acted like he had been bribed and went to Antigonus to look into his actions. Antigonus suspected him and did not allow him in but drove him from there with slings. Machaeras knew that Herod had given him good counsel and he was wrong for not following it. Therefore, he went to Emmaus and on his march, he killed all the Jews that he found whether they were friend or foe. He was angry at those things that had happened. Herod was grieved by his actions and went to Samaria and planned to go to Antony to say that he needed different men than those who did him more harm than his enemies. Herod would subdue Antigonus by himself. Machaeras caught up to him and begged him to stay or if he was determined to go on, at least that he would give him his brother Joseph so that they together could make war against Antigonus. After much intreaty, Herod was reconciled to Machaeras. He left Joseph, his brother, with the army and ordered him that in his absence he was to fight with Antigonus but take no unnecessary risks. Herod hurried to Antony, whom he found assaulting Samosata, a city near Euphrates, and brought with him auxiliaries of foot soldiers and cavalry. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.}

5452. After Herod came to Antioch, he found many there who wanted to help Antony but dared not go because the barbarians were lying in wait along the way. Herod offered to escort them and so he came to Samosata to Antony. He had defeated the barbarians once or twice. Antony entertained Herod very honourably and was much praised for his valour. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.}

5453. The siege of Samosata lasted for a long time and the besieged behaved valiantly for they despaired of peace. {Plutarch, in Antony} Antony suspected that his soldiers were alienated from him because he had used Ventidius very poorly as Dio wrote. He privately mentioned some hope of peace so that he might depart with honour. When he could only receive two hostages who were not noble men and they would not give him any money, he granted peace to Antiochus and was content with the 300 talents. Antiochus yielded to him that he might put to death Alexander who had formerly fled from him to the Romans. {Dio, l. 49. p. 405.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}

3966a AM, 4675 JP, 39 BC

5454. This war was thus concluded. Antony made C. Sosius, the governor of Syria and Cilicia with an army. {Dio, l. 48. p. 405.} {Josephus, l. 14. p. 27.} He had often very good success in fighting in Syria. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5455. After the affairs in Syria were somewhat settled, Plutarch wrote that Antony returned to Athens. Josephus said that he went into Egypt. Dio said he intended to go to Italy. It seems that he may first have returned to Athens and from there to have passed into Italy after being called there by Caesar and then returned to Athens to have sailed to Egypt to spend the winter with Cleopatra. He was sent for by Caesar from Athens that they might consult together about the war against Sextus Pompeius. He came with a few men as far as Brundusium where he did not find Caesar on the appointed day. He was frightened by a certain prodigy and he went back again to Greece under the pretence of the urgency of the Parthian war. Caesar was not pleased that he did not wait for him. {Appian, l. 5. p. 717. 718.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 385.} Joseph forgot his brother Herod's orders and while he was away he went toward Jericho with his own and five Roman cohorts given him by Machaecas. He wanted to harvest the enemies' grain which was now ripe. He camped in the mountains. The Roman cohorts were mostly raw soldiers and unskilled in the art of military matters because most of them were taken from Syria. He was surrounded by the enemies in the midst of those places and lost six cohorts. He fought valiantly but was killed. Antigonus who had the dead bodies, was so enraged that he whipped the dead body of Joseph even though Pheroras, his brother, offered 50 talents to redeem it. After this Galilaeans revolted from their governors and drowned those that were of Herod's side in the lake. In Idumea, also there were many seditions when Machaecas fortified Gitta. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5456. Caius Sosius was ordered by Antony to help Herod against Antigonus and sent with him two cohorts to Judea. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.} He subdued the Aradians who had endured a siege but now were worn out with famine and sickness. {Dio, l. 49. p. 405.}

5457. Herod found out at Daphne in the suburbs of Antioch about his brother's death and the military defeat. Herod expected this because of some dreams that he had. Therefore he hurried and he came to the Libanus Mountain. He took with him 800 men from that place and led one cohort of the Romans with him and came to Ptolemais. From there by night, he went with the army and crossed Galilee. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5458. He met his enemies and defeated them and forced them into the castle from which they came from the day before. When Herod attacked at day break, he was forced to stop because of bad weather. He led his men into the adjoining villages. When another cohort arrived from Antony, those who held the fort were dismayed and forsook it at night. Herod hurried to Jericho, with an intent to revenge his brother's death. When he arrived, he made a feast for the noblemen. After the feast was over and the guests dismissed, he retired to his lodging. The room where they ate was now empty and collapsed and no one was hurt. By this event, all thought Herod to be beloved of God who had so miraculously preserved him. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5459. The next day 6000 of the enemies came down from the tops of the mountains to fight with him. They terrified the Romans with their arrows and stones. They chased Herod's soldiers so that the king himself received a wound in his side. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5460. Antigonus sent a captain whose name was Pappus into Samaria who desired to show off the size of his forces and fought against Machaecas. Herod had taken five towns and killed 2000 of the garrison soldiers. Then he set the towns on fire and he went against Pappus, who was camped at a village called Isanae. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}
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« Reply #444 on: December 10, 2006, 01:17:48 PM »

5461. Many came to Herod from Jericho and Judea. When he saw the enemy was so bold as to come to battle with him, he fought and defeated them. He was so inflamed with a desire to revenge his brother's death, he slew those who fled and followed them even into the village. The houses were filled with soldiers and some fled to the tops of the houses for safety. These were overcome and the houses thrown down. He found all other places filled with soldiers who were miserably crushed to death. The rest fled in companies and were very afraid. Immediately Herod went to Jerusalem and had not the bitterness of the winter hindered him he would have ended the war. Now Antigonus began to think of fleeing and to forsake the city. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5462. In the evening when Herod had dismissed his friends to refresh themselves, he was still sweating in his armour and went into a chamber accompanied with only one servant to wash himself. Inside some of his enemies who were armed, were hiding from fear. While he was naked and washed himself, one with a drawn sword hurried to escape through the doors and then another and likewise a third, all of them were armed. They were so astonished that they were glad to save themselves and did no harm to Herod. The next day, he cut off Papus' head and sent it to his brother, Pherorus in revenge for his brother's death whom he had killed. It was Pappus who with his own hand, had killed Joseph. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5463. At Rome, four days before (5th calends) of December, P. Ventidius for his victory at Taurus Mountains and over the Parthians, as we read in marble calendars of the triumphs. {Gruter, inscript. p. 297.} Ventidius Bassus was a man of lowly parentage and rose by the favour of Antony to such height of honour that he was made governor of the eastern provinces. He triumphed for his conquest over Labienus Pacorus and the Parthians, who himself was twice (if we may believe Massurius in Pliny) led in triumph with other captives. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.} {Valerius Maximus, l. 6. c. 9.} {Pliny, l. 7. c. 43.} {Gellius, l. 15. c. 4. ex Suetonius} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 405} {Eutropius, l. 7.} See note for the end of the year 4671 JP. Spain was now controlled by Caesar Octavian after being subdued by Domitius Calvinus, the proconsul. The Spaniards began their computation of time from the first of January of this year as may be understood from others and also from Eulogius, the archbishop of Toledo, in his Memorial of the Saints.

5464. In the beginning of the spring, Antony arrived with 300 ships at Tarentum from Syria according to Dio, or from Athens according to Appian. He came to help Caesar against Sextus Pompeius. Caesar refused his help and Antony took this badly. However, he stayed in the same place since he had unwillingly spent so much on this navy and he needed Italian legions for the Parthian war. He thought to exchange his fleet for them. Although by the agreement, both of them had power to raise soldiers in Italy. However, this would be very difficult for him, since Italy by lot was allocated to Caesar. Therefore he sent Octavia (who accompanied him from Greece and who also was then with child and by whom Antony had had a second daughter) to her brother Caesar. He hoped she would make peace between them. She helped settle matters so that Antony should deliver to Caesar at Tarentum presently, 150 ships, (for which Plutarch wrote 100 war ships.) For these, Caesar promised that he would send to Antony from Italy duo tagmata (as it is in Plutarch) or 20,000 soldiers (as Appian has it.) Moreover besides the covenants, Octavia obtained for her brother of her husband, 20 small ships, as Plutarch stated or ten galleys of three tiers of oars (??) as Appian stated. Caesar again gave to Octavia, 1000 men for Antony's guard and let Antony chose them. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 725, 726.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 390.} To strengthen the alliance, Caesar betrothed his daughter (Julia) to Antyllus the son of Antony and Antony betrothed the daughter he had by Octavia, to Domitius (Aenobarous) although he was guilty of the murder of Julius Caesar and had been proscribed. These things were only done for show and they had no intention of following through but did this for expediency's sake. {Dio, l. 48. p. 390.}

5465. After the five years time of the triumvirate had expired, they extended their power for another five years and did not ask for the people's consent. {Dio, l. 48. p. 390.} {Appian, l. 5. p. 726, 727.} Antony sent back Octavia to Italy out of fear of any danger in the Parthian war. He commended to Caesar, the children that he had both by her and Fulvia and he went into Syria. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 727.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 390, 391.}

5466. Cleopatra built a new library in the same place where the old one at Alexandria was burnt in Julius Caesar's time. the library was called the daughter of the former one as Epiphanius affirms in his book of measures and weights. From the 7th year of Ptolemais Philadelphus, in which we have shown at the year 4437 JP when the previous library was built, Epiphanius incorrectly calculated 249 years to this time which should end in the year 4686 JP which was one year after Cleopatra's death. The main cause of his error is this. Epiphanius attributed 32 years to the reign of Cleopatra, instead of 22. If we deduct ten years from both, we make the time between the founding of the two libraries, 239 years. To this time belongs what Plutarch {Plutarch, in Antony} wrote that it was objected to Antony by Calvinius:

``that he had given to Cleopatra the libraries that were at Pergamos in which were 20,000 entire books or single volumes.''

5467. Strabo spoke of katoikiatou pergamou, possessions, not of libraries that were then extant in his time {Strabo, l. 13. p. 624.} (as Lipsius thought in the fourth chapter of his Syntagme of libraries.)

5468. Herod in the beginning of the third year after he had been declared king at Rome, came with an army to Jerusalem and camped near the city. He soon moved nearer the place where he planned to first to assault the walls. He placed his tents before the temple and intended to assail them where Pompey had done in the past. Therefore he surrounded the place with three bulwarks and he erected his batteries with the help of many workmen. He brought materials from all places around there. He placed suitable men to oversee the works while he went to Samaria to solemnize his marriage with Mariamme, the daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who was formerly betrothed to him. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27. fin.}

5469. After the marriage, Sosius came through Phoenicia after he had sent his army through the continent. He came there himself with many cavalry and foot soldiers. Herod also came from Samaria with a considerable army of 30,000 men. He had eleven legions of foot soldiers and 6000 cavalry in addition to the Syrian auxiliaries, (who were not included in the total.) He made their camp at the north wall of the city. Two generals were over the army, Herod and Sosius, who was sent by Antony to help Herod. Herod started this war to oust Antigonus who was an enemy of the people of Rome and so that he might be king in his place according to the decree of the senate. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}

5470. The Jews were gathered from the whole country and here besieged within the walls. They made valiant resistance and boasted much of the temple of the Lord and wished well to the people. They said that God would not forsake his people in their danger. They destroyed all the provisions which were outside the city, both for man and horse. They secretly stole supplies and made provisions very scarce for the besiegers. However, Herod provided well for this. He placed ambushes in suitable places and he prevented their thievery. He sent his soldiers to fetch provisions from afar so that in a short time the army was well furnished with all supplies. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}

5471. The large number of the workmen easily finished the three bulwarks. It was now summer and the work went on and he was not hindered by bad weather. He often battered the walls with his engines and attacked all parts of it. The besieged fought valiantly and used all their cunning to evade their enemies' endeavours. They often sallied out and set fire to their works. Some of the works were finished and some were still in construction. They fought valiantly hand to hand with the Romans and were just as brave but not as well trained as the Romans were. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}
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« Reply #445 on: December 10, 2006, 01:18:17 PM »

3967a AM, 4676 JP, 38 BC

5472. The sabbatical year was now approaching and brought a famine to the Jews that were besieged. In spite of this, they built a new wall to replace the parts which were battered down by the engines. They countermined the enemies' mines so that sometimes they fought hand to hand underground and using despair rather than courage they held out to the last. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28.} Pollio, the Pharisee and Samias, his disciple, advised them to let Herod into the city. They said that because of their sins, it was inevitable that Herod would be their king. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 17., l. 15. c. 1.}

5473. They held out in the siege for five months for there was so large an army besieging them. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.} Finally, 20 of Herod's best soldiers got on the wall and were followed by the centurions of Sosius. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28.}

5474. The first wall was taken on the 40th day and the second one on the 50th. Some galleries around the temple were burnt which Herod blamed Antigonus for so the people would hate him. The outer part of the temple was taken and then the lower city. The Jews fled into the inner part of the temple and the upper city. They feared that they should be hindered from offering the daily sacrifices to God and sent ambassadors to ask permission that those beasts only might be brought in. Herod granted this and hoped by this that they would not be obstinate and submit themselves. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28.}

3967b AM, 4677 JP, 37 BC

5475. When Herod saw this was not going to happen and that the besieged obstinately fought to protect the government of Antigonus, Herod made a general assault and took the city {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28.} on the first of January of the 4677 JP on the second day of the month Chisleu. According to the records of the eastern people of the civil year, this was the third in which the 28th day when the Jews kept a solemn fast, in memory of the holy roll that was burnt by Jehoiakim. See note on 3941a AM <<4045>>.

5476. The first of January, because of the incorrect intercalating done at that time at Rome was really the last day of December. This concluded the first five years of the triumviri and also the consulship of Claudius and Nortanus to which this calamity of the Jews is referred by Dio. {Dio, l. 49. p. 405.} The next day, M. Vespsanius Agrippa and L. Cuminius Gallus entered their consulships at Rome. Josephus stated: {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}

``This calamity of Jerusalem happened in the consulship of M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus in the 185th Olympiad, (that is in the third year) the third month on a solemn fast day. It was as if the calamity that happened to the Jews twenty seven years earlier was about again to repeat itself at the same time, (for the city was taken by Herod on the same day.)''

5477. But yet this interval of time exceeds the true account by one year unless you interpret metaeth kz, in the year after the twenty seventh, as in Mr 8:31. It is said that Christ shall rise again, meta ptirieth Chonok after three days which is more clearly explained Mt 16:21 thpeith imira on the third day. In /APC 2Ma 14:1 moqrieth chirth after the time of three years. The interpreters explain it to be the third year. In the Catalogue of the Station, of Julius Africanus, 211th Olympiad the games of Olympus are said to be celebrated by Nero not at a lawful time, but mita xth dno, that is, in the second year of that Olympiad. {in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri. p. 221.} Even in Josephus himself that {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 11.) stated dentef outj

5478. After the city was captured, it was filled with murdered bodies. The Romans were incensed that they had to continue the siege for so long and the Herodian Jews tried to eliminate the opposing faction. There were continual slaughters through the porches and houses. The reverence of the temple did not save the suppliants. They spared neither age nor sex, not even children. Although Herod begged and intreated them to stop, no one obeyed him but continued as if they had been mad and they showed their cruelty without respect of age. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}

5479. Antigonus came down from the town and fell at Sosius' feet. He did not show any pity because of his change of his fortune but insulted him and called him, Madam Antigona. He put him in prison and set keepers over him. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}

5480. When a number of mercenaries rushed into the temple and even its inner sanctuary, Herod restrained them by entreaty, some by threats and some by force of arms. He thought his victory worse than if he had been defeated if any of those things which were not lawful to be seen were beheld by the profane people. He forbid any plundering in the city as much he was able to. Likewise he entreated Sosius and asked if the Romans would make him king of a wilderness since the city was so depopulated with repines and murders. He replied that the soldiers desired the plunder of the city because of the long siege they endured. Herod answered that he would reward every man from his own treasury and by this means he freed the city from any further trouble. He kept his promise and he generously gave gifts to the soldiers and in proportion to the commanders and royally to Sosius. So Sosius, offered a crown of gold to God and left Jerusalem. He took Antigonus with him prisoner to Antony. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}

5481. Herod made a distinction between the people of the city. He promoted those on his side and daily killed those on the opposing side. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 15. c. 1.) Among those whom he killed, were all those judges of the great sanhedrim who had accused him of some capital crime before he was king. He spared Pollio, the Pharisee, and his disciple. Samias and he highly honoured them. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 14, Antiq., l. 15. c. 17, l. 15. c. 1.}

5482. He gathered together all the royal ornaments and by collections and by taking away from rich men, he got a large amount of gold and silver which he gave to Antony and his soldiers. He put to death 45 of Antigonus' chief noble men and set a watch at the doors that none of them might be carried out under pretence of being dead. All the gold or silver that was found, was all brought to Herod so that there was no end of these miseries. The covetousness of the needy conqueror consumed all their goods. Since it was a sabbatical year, the fields were not tilled for it was unlawful to sow them. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 1.}

5483. These miserable times were witnessed by Zacharias the priest, with his wife Elizabeth. Of the remains of David's family, Heli and Joseph saw these things. It was also witnessed by Anna the prophetess, of the tribe of Asher and Simon the Just who received an answer from the Holy Spirit that he should not see death until he had seen the Lord's Christ. Lu 2:26

5484. Antony took Antigonus and planned to keep him prisoner with him until his triumph. He saw that Herod was afraid, lest when Antigonus was brought to Rome by Antony, he would contend with him before the senate for his right to the kingdom. Antony heard that the country was ready to revolt from hatred to Herod and they favoured Antigonus. Antony received large sums of money from Herod, he cut off Antigonus' head at Antioch. He gave him the vain hope of life right up to the end. After this was done, Herod was totally free from fear. The government of the Hasmonaeans was now ended. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult., l. 20. c. 8., Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}

5485. Two years and seven months elapsed from the beginning of the priesthood and government of Antigonus, to the taking of Jerusalem. From this also the third year of his reign of both Antigonus and Herod, Antigonus was killed by Antony. This is written in the 52nd chapter of the Jewish History which is written in Arabic and set forth in the Paris Bible of many languages. However, Josephus attributes to Antigonus, three years and three months. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 20. c. 8.) If this included the time up until his death, it would extend to August of this year. According to our account, from the beginning of the raise of Judas Maccabaeus until now, elapsed 126 years and two or three months. Josephus, agreed {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14 c. ult.} and wrote that the government of the Hasmonaeans ended and Antigonus was killed, mepi thrus was 125 years. This is calculated from the beginning of Judas Maccabaeus to the beginning of the third year of the reign of Herod when the siege of Jerusalem began.
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« Reply #446 on: December 10, 2006, 01:18:49 PM »

5486. Other foreign writers have written concerning the taking of Jerusalem and the death of Antigonus. Livy {Livy, l. 128.} referred to this time in the epitome of which:

``The Jews are said to be subdued by the lieutenants of Antony.''

5487. So said the old books, where in the language it is written:

``The ambassadors of the Jews were killed by Antony.''

5488. We have this record of the death of Antigonus preserved by Josephus {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 1.} from the books of Strabo, the Cappadocian:

``Antony brought Antigonus, the Jew, to Antioch and had him beheaded. He was supposed to be the first among the Romans that put a king to death after this manner because he thought that the Jews could not tolerate Herod for their king if Antigonus was alive. No matter how Herod oppressed them, they would not recognise him as king because they held Antigonus in such high esteem. Therefore, it was thought fit to blot out his memory by some ignominious death and lessen the public hatred against Herod.''

5489. Plutarch wrote: {Plutarch, in Antony}

``He bestowed tetrarchies of great countries on many private men and took away kingdoms from many such as from Antigonus the Jew, whom he brought forth and beheaded. No king was ever killed in this way before.''

5490. Dio also mentioned this history {Dio, l. 59. p. 405.} when writing about Sosius:

``He conquered Antigonus who had killed a garrison of the Romans which was with him. Sosius was defeated in battle at Jerusalem and forced to flee. The Jews, (a country of unplacable anger, if it be once stirred) did many wrongs to the Romans but suffered much more themselves. They were taken first by them who fought for the temple of their God and then rested on a Saturday. They observed on that day a festival with so much religion that those that were formerly taken with the temple, as soon as that day was come, they begged permission of Sosius to go and sacrifice in the temple as was their custom. Over these people, Antony made Herod king. Antony killed Antigonus after he had scourged him and tied him to a post, (which was never done to any king before by the Romans.)''

5491. That is, to be beheaded at a post. Concerning this see First Excercitation of Causabon on Baronius, c. 7. This event happened when:

``Claudius and Norbanus were consuls.''

5492. as Dio implied. It is true concerning Antigonus' defeat and of the taking of Jerusalem but not concerning the death of Antigonus. He died when M. Agrippa and Caninius or Canidius Gallus were consuls the next year.

5493. Nothing of note was done by the Romans this year in Syria for Antony spent the whole year in going into and returning from Italy. Sosius, for fear of the envy and anger of Antony passed that time and did no gallant actions lest he offend Antony. He hoped to curry Antony's favour by doing nothing. {Dio, l. 49., p. 405, 406.} When Antony returned from Italy, he replaced him with Plancus as governor of Syria. He appointed C. Furnius, as his lieutenant in Asia. {Appian, l. 5. p. 749, 753.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 371, 372. l. 49. p. 402, 403.}

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5494. After Orodes, the king of the Parthians, had long mourned for his son, he had more problems. He had to select a successor from his 30 sons to replace Pacorus. Many of his concubines who bare him many sons, pestered the old man to make their son the new king. Finally, he selected the oldest, who was the worst of them all and made him king. {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} This was Phraates the 3rd called by Plutarch {Plutarch, in Antony} Phraortes. Although he is called Phraates by the compiler of Appian's Parthian stories, which he transcribed word for word from Plutarch and by Plutarch himself in the end of his book. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Likewise Horace {Horace, Ode. 2. l. 2.} speaks of this time:

``Phraates restored to Cyrus' throne.''

5495. He received the kingdom by treachery and killed his brothers, who were born of the daughter of Antiochus. He did this because they excelled him in all virtue and in blood by the mother's side. He also killed Orodes because he was angry by this. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404.} He poisoned him as he lay sick with the dropsy. Orodes was beginning to recover and Phraates stopped the slow poisoning and took a shorter route by strangling him. {Plutarch, in Crassus, fin.}

5496. After Phraates had killed his father, he killed all his brothers. When he saw that the nobility hated him for his wicked acts, he ordered that his son, who was now full grown, to be killed so that there would be no one else to make king. {Justin, l. 42., c. 5.}

5497. After this Phraates went about to kill the nobility and did many wicked things. Many of the chief men fled from him. They went where they could and some, like Moneses, who was a powerful noble man, fled to Antony. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} This happened when Agrippa and Gallus were consuls. {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.}

5498. The rest of the winter, when Gellius and Nerva were consuls, P. Canidius Crassus was left as lieutenant by Antony. Around the region of Armenia, he led his army against the Iberians. He defeated their King Pharnabazus in battle and compelled him to join forces with him. He went into Albania with him and he likewise allied that country to him along with their king, Zoberes. {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} He went as far as Caucasus Mountains with the conquered Armenians and the kings of the Iberians and Albanians. He made Antony's name famous among the barbarous countries. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Strabo, l. 11. p. 501.}

5499. Antony was puffed up with these successes and trusted very much on Moneses and committed the carrying on of the Parthian war to him. Antony promised him the kingdom of the Parthians and granted him the revenues of their cities that were subject to the Romans. He would receive this as long as the war lasted. {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} Antony compared the fortune of Moneses with Themistocles and equally his own riches and magnificence to the kings of Persia. He gave him three cities, Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, called formerly Bambyca. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5500. Phraates, the king of the Parthians, courteously entertained the captive king Hyrcanus because of his noble descent. He took him from prison and allowed him to live in Babylon where many Jews lived. These Jews honoured him as the king and high priest. Also all those Jews who were in old time deported beyond the Euphrates River by the Assyrians (or Babylonians) of whom there were many millions, honoured Hyrcanus. After he knew that Herod was made king, he began to hope for a favour from Herod whom he had saved when Herod was on trial for his life. Therefore he began to consult with the Jews, who from duty came to visit him concerning his journey. In spite of all their wise admonitions, he could not be persuaded from his desire of returning to his own country. The tetrarchy of Herod was added to his former country. Herod wanted to get his hands on Hyrcanus and wrote to him that he would beg of Phraates and the Jews of that land for this. Herod said that the Jews should not envy the joint power that he should enjoy with his son-in-law. Now the time was come, when Herod might repay him that had preserved him in the past. Herod also sent Saramala, his ambassador, to Phraates himself with large presents to soften him up so that Phraates would not prevent Herod from showing kindness to Hyrcanus. Herod had received Hyrcanus, who was sent by the Parthians, and honourably outfitted by the Jews for his expenses of his journey. Herod entertained him with all honour and gave him the upper seat in all assemblies and the most honourable place at all feasts. He called him father, and thus he lulled him on lest he should suspect any treachery. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2, 3.}
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« Reply #447 on: December 10, 2006, 01:19:19 PM »

5501. Herod took care that none of the nobility should be created high priest. He sent to Babylon for a priest of lowly parentage, whom he was well acquainted with. He was of the family of the priests but descended from those Jews who were carried beyond the Euphrates River. This man's name was Ananelus (or Hananeel) and Herod gave him the high priesthood. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2, 3.}

5502. Mark Antony refused all honest and wholesome counsel and sent Fonteius Capito to Cleopatra to bring her into Syria. {Plutarch, in Antony} She no sooner arrived when she thought how she might get it into her possession. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.} She accused the Syrian noble men to Antony and persuaded him to put them to death so that she might more easily take over their estates. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}

5503. She accused Pausanias, the son of Ptolomaeus (Mennaeus) the king of Chalcis and Ituraea as favouring the Parthians and had Antony execute him. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 4.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.} (In Dio, Parthian should be read for Pacorus) This was fifteen years after the death of his father Auletes. This is derived from Porphyrius, {Scaliger, Greek Eusebian., p. 226.} where the name of Lysimachus is incorrectly written for Lysanias.

5504. Antony made Amyntas, the secretary of Dejotarus, the prince of Galatia and added to it part of Lycaonia and Pamphylia. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.} {Strabo, l. 12. p. 567.}

5505. Antony also made Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who was not descended from royalty. He deposed Ariarathes who descended from those Archelai who had waged war against the Romans and his mother was the harlot Glaphyra. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.} From that lascivious epigram of Caesar Octavian, {Martian, l. 11. epigra. 21.} it appears that Antony was involved with Glaphyra.

5506. Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, the wife of Alexander the son of Aristobulus and mother-in-law of Herod, took it poorly that her son Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamme was condemned because during his lifetime one from another place, usurped the high priesthood. She wrote to Cleopatra through a certain musician and asked her to request the priesthood from Antony for her son. Cleopatra failed to do this. Dellius, a friend of Antony, who travelled into Judea on some occasions, persuaded Alexandra to send the pictures of her son Aristobulus and daughter Mariamme to Antony. He said that once Antony saw them, he would not deny them anything. These were sent. Dellius also added that they seemed to be of divine rather than of the human race. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2.} Dellius was the historian who Plutarch mentioned and whose wanton letters to Cleopatra were common as attested to by Seneca who has related this in his first Swason Oration. Dio also implies the same and whom Antony used dishonestly. {Dio, l. 49. p. 15.}

5507. Antony did not think it proper to send for a lady who was married to Herod and wanted to avoid making Cleopatra jealous. He wrote to Alexandra that she should send her son to him under some honest pretence but he added she should not do it if this would be burdensome to her. When Herod found out about this, he did not think it safe that Aristobulus, a young man of sixteen years in the flower of his age, should be sent to Antony. He was the most powerful of all the Romans and also very much given to lust. Therefore he wrote back, that if the youth left the kingdom, the whole country would be up in arms. The Jews wanted to revolt and have a new king. Antony was satisfied with Herod's reply. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2.}

5508. In the Sicilian war, Caesar Octavian and M. Lepidus defeated Sextus Pompeius. M. Lepidus became proud about the ability of his 20 legions and attributed the whole victory to himself. He was so bold as to oppose Caesar and to claim Sicily for himself. However, his army abandoned him and he was put out of the triumvirate. He was glad to beg for his life and goods from Caesar by whom he banished to Circeli. {Livy, l. 129.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 79, 80.} {Suetonius, in Octavian,. c. 16, & 54.} {Appian, l. 5.} {Dio, l. 49.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}

5509. Sextus Pompeius who had a fleet of 350 ships, now fled into Asia with only six or seven. {Florus, l. 4. c. 8.} Although Appian stated {Appian, l. 5. p. 741.} and Orosius, {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} wrote that he had seventeen ships. He intended to flee to Antony because he had saved his mother from a similar danger. {Appian, l. 5. p.741.}

5510. He put his daughter, his friends, his money and all his best things into the ships that were left which were fastest. Pompeius sailed by night and no one pursued him because he left secretly and Caesar was continually engaged with troubles from Lepidus. {Dio, l. 49. p. 398.} In spite of this, after Pompeius had left Messana, he feared being followed and suspected the treachery of his companions. When he had told them that he would set sail for the main sea, he put out the light that the admiral's ships usually carry and sailed by the coast of Italy. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} When he arrived at the cape of Lacinium, he robbed the temple of Juno of all its offerings. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.}

5511. From there he sailed to Corcyra and into Cephalenia. He received others who were cast in there by a storm. After he had called them together, he took off his soldier's attire and told them that it would happen that if they all stayed together, they would not be able to be of sufficient help to each other nor could they remain hidden. If they dispersed, they might more easily flee. Therefore he advised everyone to shift for himself. Most followed his advise and went their various ways. He along with some who stayed with him, went to Lesbos and {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} stayed at Mitylene. His father had left him here before the Pharsalian battle and after the defeat he picked him up again. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.}

5512. The Parthians were troubled because of the defection of Moneses to Antony and Phraates was quite worried. He sent messengers to Moneses to ask for peace and persuaded him with large promises to return again. When this was known, Antony was angry. However, he did not kill Moneses whom as yet he had in his power. He thought if he did that none of the barbarians would ever trust him. He used politics against the enemy. He dismissed Moneses as if by his means he would make peace with the Parthians. He sent ambassadors with him to Phraates who were to make peace if the king would restore the ensigns and captives that were alive which the Parthians had taken in the defeat of Crassus. He thought he would catch the king unprepared for war by giving him reasons of hope of peace. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.}
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« Reply #448 on: December 10, 2006, 01:19:49 PM »

5513. In the meantime, Antony prepared for war. He came to the Euphrates River which he supposed was unguarded. When he found a strong garrison there, he changed his plan and intended soon to go into Armenia to make war with Artavasdes, king of the Greater Armenia, against the king of the Medes who was the other enemy of the Romans. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.}

5514. Artavasdes, the king of the Armenians, is called by Josephus, Artabazes the son of Tigranes. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13. Antiq. l. 15. c. 5.} Orosius calls him, Artabanes {Orosius, l. 16. c. 19.} whom when Antony had taken him to be his counsellor, guide and chief for the management of the war, he then betrayed Antony and later created problems for the Romans. {Strabo, l. 11. p. 524. & l. 16. p. 748.}

5515. Antony sent Cleopatra back into Egypt and he went through Arabia into Armenia. He had ordered that his own forces and the auxiliaries of the kings to meet him there. Among these were many friends and allies including Artavasdes or Artabazes, the king of Armenia with 6000 cavalry and 7000 foot solders. When the soldiers were mustered, the Romans and the allies of Italy had 60,000 foot soldiers and the ordinary cavalry of the Spaniards and Gauls 10,000. The auxiliaries from other countries numbered 30,000 cavalry and the light-harnessed soldiers. This is according to Plutarch. However, Velleius Paterculus said Antony had 13 legions. {Velleius, l. 2. c. 82.} Florus stated 16 {Florus, l. 4, c. 10.} Justin {Justin, l. 42. c. 5.} and Livy {Livy, l. 130} 18 legions and 16,000 cavalry.

5516. The guide of his army made the journey from Zeugma to the Euphrates River almost to Atrapatena (which the Araxes River divides from Armenia.) This was 1000 miles and almost twice as far as the correct way. The guide led them over mountains and byways. {Strabo, l. 11. p. 524.} Antony should have refreshed his army in the winter quarters of Armenia who were weary from the 1000 mile trek. Since spring was coming he should have invaded Media before the Parthians left their winter quarters. He could not tolerate any delay because he wanted to be back with Cleopatra. He thought more of returning quickly than of gaining a victory. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5517. Therefore when he knew that the king of Media was gone far from his country to bring help to the Parthians, he quickly marched with the best part of his cavalry and foot soldiers. He left part of his army and baggage with Oppius Stapianus. He ordered them to follow him and hoped that on the first attack, he should conquer Media. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.}

5518. Among the things left behind, were the battering engines which were carried in 300 carts. Among these was a ram 80 feet long. If any of the machines were damaged, they could not be repaired because of the scarcity of materials in those countries. The trees were too short and not strong enough. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5519. After Antony had crossed the Araxes River, he had problems and hardships on all sides. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} As soon as he came into Artapatena, he harassed that country, then he besieged the large city of Phraata. In it lived the wife of the king of the Medes with her children. When Antony realised his error in leaving his engines behind, he was forced to raise a mount near the city. This took a long time and was much work. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} This was the royal city of the Medes and was called by Dio, Praaspa and by Strabo, Vera, (unless I am mistaken in his {Strabo, l. 11. p. 523.}) from Adelphius, (if it is not Dellius the historian) who was with Antony in this expedition. He wrote about this and commanded part of the army. He said this city was 300 miles from the Araxes River.

5520. The Parthians and Medes knew that Antony wasted his time in attacking that city because it was so well fortified with walls and men. They suddenly attacked Statianus as he was tired from his journey and killed both him and all that were with him. Plutarch reckons they killed murious or 10,000 men. Velleius Paterculus said two legions were killed and they took all the baggage and engines of war. Polemo, the king of Pontus and an ally of the war was captured and let go when he paid a ransom. This was an easy victory for the barbarians to do because the king of Armenia was not at the battle who might have helped the Romans. He did not come but left Antony for his own kingdom. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.} { Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82.} {Plutarch, in Antony}

5521. Although Antony hurried to help Statianus when he heard the first news, he came too late for he found nothing but dead men. He was terrified with this defeat. However, none of the barbarians opposed him and he thought that they left from fear of him and was encouraged. Soon after this, they fought and Antony routed them. His slingers, whom he had large numbers of, put them to flight. The slingers' arrows went farther than the enemies' arrows so the heavily armed cavalry were not safe from them. However, not many barbarians were killed because of the swiftness of their cavalry troops. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.}

5522. Antony resumed the assault of Praaspa. He did little damage to the enemy and the garrison inside the city, strongly repelled their attacks. The enemy that was outside the city hindered them with hand to hand combat. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.} The Parthians who came to help the besieged, threatened the Romans most contemptuously. Antony was unwilling that his soldiers should loose any of their animosity. He took with him ten legions and three praetorian cohorts, and all his cavalry. They went foraging and hoped by this means that the enemy would attack him and so he could fight them. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5523. When he had gone a day's journey, he saw the Parthians, wheeling about him to hinder his return. He ordered the signal for battle to be sounded. However, he packed up his tents as though he prepared not to fight but for his march. Thus he marched by the barbarians who were drawn up in an half moon. He ordered his cavalry that as soon as they were come together that the legions should attack the enemy and they should begin the charge. The Parthians were perplexed at the well ordered army of the Romans. They saw the soldiers passing by, keeping their ranks and shaking their arrows at them but not speaking a word. After the signal and a great shout was made, the cavalry began the attack. They resisted a little. Although immediately the Romans were so close to them, they were unable to use their arrows. Soon, the legions joined the battle with great shouting and the clattering of the armour. The Parthian cavalry were frightened and the Parthians fled before they came to hand to hand combat. Antony hoped that now he should overcome them or at least finish the greatest part of the war. He followed the chase very hard. After his foot soldiers had pursued them about six miles and his cavalry three times that distance, he counted the number of the slain and the prisoners. They found they had taken 30 and killed only 80. This greatly discouraged them for they thought it was very hard if being conquerors they should kill so few and if conquered they should lose so many as they had done when the baggage was taken. The next day as they were returning to their camp, they met at first a few of their enemies. More came and finally all of them, as if they had not been formerly routed but were all fresh men. They reviled them and broke in upon them on every side so that they were barely able to return to their camp again. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5524. In Antony's absence, the Medes who were at Praaspa, attacked the mount and terrified the defenders of it. Antony was so enraged that he decimated them who had forsaken the place and gave the rest of them barley instead of wheat. {Plutarch, in Antony}
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« Reply #449 on: December 10, 2006, 01:20:18 PM »

5525. In the beginning, the foragers who were sent out by Antony brought enough provisions for the Romans. Later they had consumed all the near by supplies so that the soldiers themselves were forced to go foraging. It happened that if only a few were sent that they brought back nothing and often the foragers were killed. If many left then Praaspa was short of besiegers and the sallies of the barbarians killed many of the Romans and many engines were destroyed. From this it happened that Antony's men who were besieging the city, ran as short of supplies as those inside the city. The townsmen looked for good times for sallies as well as the enemy on the outside. By their sudden incursions and quick retreats, they seriously troubled those who remained in the camp as often as they divided their forces. The foragers who went to the villages were never molested but they attacked them unexpectedly as they were scattered on their return to the camp. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}

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5526. Sextus Pompeius heard that Antony was in Media and made war with the Medes and Parthians. He intended to commit himself to his protection when he returned. In the mean time, he wintered in Lesbos and the people of Lesbos most willingly entertained him for the good memory they had of his father. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} {Appian. l. 5. p. 747.}

5527. As Antony prolonged the siege of Praaspa, the war was very troublesome to both sides. Antony could not get any supplies without having his men killed or wounded. Phraates knew that the Parthians would endure anything except winter in the camp in a strange country. Therefore he was afraid that if the Romans continued the war, his men would leave him since the weather grew very cold after the autumnal equinox. {Plutarch, in Antony} He was also afraid that if the siege were continued Antony either by himself or else with outside help, would seriously weaken the city. Therefore, he secretly bribed some men that should promote the idea of a peace between them in the hope that it would be easily granted. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}

5528. Therefore, the Parthian commanded his men that when they met with the foragers, to treat them more courteously and to talk to them about peace. By this, Antony was persuaded to send a friend to request the restitution of his ensigns and prisoners lest he should seem to be content only to depart with safety. They replied that he should forget about those things. If he desired peace and security, he should leave suddenly. (Plutarch.) Phraates was sitting on his golden throne and twanging a bow string. After that he had in many words railed against the Romans, he promised Antony's ambassadors peace on this condition if he should immediately withdraw his army. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}

5529. Antony received this reply. Although he was very eloquent in both civil and military speeches, yet at that time from shame and sorrow, he did not speak to his soldiers. He had Domitius Aenobarbus speak for him to the soldiers and to encourage them. Within a few days after they had packed the baggage, he departed (Plutarch.) and left his works that he had raised for the assault of Praaspa intact as if he had been in a friend's country. The Medes burnt everything and cast down the mount. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}

5530. They were to return by the same plain country where there were no forests. A certain Mardian who knew the customs of the Parthians and had fought well for the Romans at the battle where the engines were taken, persuaded Antony that he should march with his army by the mountains on the right hand. He should not hazard the plain and open fields. The Romans were heavily armed and good targets for the number of Parthian cavalry who were all archers. The Parthians used this occasion by good words to draw him from the siege so that he would show Antony a shorter way with more plentiful supplies for his soldiers. Antony told these things to his council and confessed that he trusted little in the peace with the Parthians. However he commended the shorter way, especially since the journey would be through a plentiful country. He asked for some assurance of the Mardian who surrendered himself to be bound until he had brought the army into Armenia. After he was bound, he led them without problems for two days. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5531. On the third day, Antony thought little of the Parthians and marched securely in confidence of the peace. The Mardian saw the dam of the river was recently broken and that all the way they were to go was flooded. He knew that this was done by the Parthians to force the Roman army to halt. He warned Antony of this and told him to prepare for the arrival of the enemy. Antony ordered his battle and set distances between the ranks. With this, those that used arrows and slings might make an attack on the enemies when the Parthians opened their ranks to surround and disorder the army. When the light horsemen attacked them, they were beaten back after the giving and receiving of many wounds. They came on again until the calvary from Gaul who were held in reserve, gave them a fierce charge and routed them so that they attempted nothing more that day. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5532. Antony learned from this what was to be done. He made his army march in a square body and had a strong guard of archers and slingers in the rear and in the flanks. He ordered his calvary that if the enemy attacked them, they should drive them back. If they fled, they should not follow the chase too far. For four days, the Parthans received as many casualties as they made. They began to ease off and thought of returning since it was winter. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5533. On the fifth day, Flavius Gallus, one of the captains, a valiant and industrious man, asked Antony that he would give him permission to take some lightly armed men from the rear and some cavalry from the front. He planned to do some gallant act. By his rash attempt, he broke in on the enemy with much risk. The Romans sent him help in small companies. They were too weak and were cut off by the enemy until Antony came with the whole strength of the army and rescued the rest from obvious danger. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5534. Florus stated {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} that there were two legions lost to the Parthian arrows. Plutarch stated at least 3000 were killed and that there were 5000 wounded men brought back into the tents. Gallus was shot in four places and later died from his wounds. Antony was very much troubled to see this and went and comforted them that were wounded. They cheerfully took him by the right hand and desired him that he would take care of himself and trouble himself no more for them. They called him their emperor and told him that if he were well then they were all safe and in health. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5535. This victory made the Parthians so proud who were before weary and in despair, that they lodged all night near the Roman camp. They hoped that they would soon be able to plunder all their money and ransack their tents. {Plutarch, in Antony} On that night, a certain Roman whose life was spared in Crassus' defeat, came in Parthian clothes to the Roman trenches and greeted them in Latin. After they trusted him, he informed them what danger was at hand and that the king would come with all his forces. He advised them that they should not march that way they intended but that they should go back again and take the way by the woods and the mountains. He told them that they might meet with the enemy that way also. {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82.}

5536. As soon as it was day, many enemies came together with at least 4000 cavalry. The king also sent there his bodyguard because they were so confident of victory. The king was never at any previous fight. Then Antony lifted up his hands to heaven and made his prayers to the gods that if there were any god offended with his former good fortune that he would lay all the adversity on his own head but give health and victory to the rest of the army. {Plutarch, in Antony}
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Joh 9:4  I must work the works of him that sent me, while it is day: the night cometh, when no man can work.
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