nChrist
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« Reply #1 on: May 22, 2019, 02:54:07 PM » |
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________________________________ The Patriot Post - Alexander's Column 5-22-2019 From The Federalist Patriot Free Email Subscription _______________________________
The fact is, this is much more than a tit-for-tat trade war. It is an epic battle over the theft of millions of American jobs15, and the theft of war-fighting technology16, which poses a much greater cybersecurity threat17 than any threat posed by Russia.
It is a rapidly emerging battle for the future of American Liberty18, and Trump is no longer going to play nice with Chinese leaders or their NoKo nuclear puppet19 Kim Jong-un, whom they have used as a bargaining subterfuge to contain Trump’s threatened trade sanctions.
And that is why, as noted above, I mentioned “trade and national security” in the same context.
Retired Admiral William McRaven, former head of U.S. Special Operations Command, observed that “Trump does not get enough credit” for his foreign policy decisions. “Engaging with North Korea was the right thing to do. … China has got to be pressured; China has got to be held accountable.”
Even Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer declared of the latest tariff increase, “We have to be strong with [China]. … We ought to hang tough.”
In 2016, Donald Trump campaigned, in large part, on the need for a long-overdue correction of grossly unbalanced trade practices and agreements20, primarily with China. But his concern was clearly as much about national security as it was trade and jobs.
The Trump administration’s National Security Strategy21, the fundamental position statement under which American foreign policy is formulated under each president, departed significantly from previous administrations regarding the reliance on declining “liberal alliances” of the past (such as NATO and various trade agreements and treaties). Instead, the Trump NSS relies on what the administration calls “principled realism22” in four key policy areas: protecting the homeland; promoting American prosperity; preserving peace through strength; and advancing American influence.
On the first page of the NSS, the administration notes, “Unfair trade practices had weakened our economy and exported our jobs overseas.”
The NSS makes clear that China is a primary challenger to “American power, influence, and interests, attempting to erode American security and prosperity. They are determined to make economies less free and less fair, to grow their militaries, and to control information and data to repress their societies and expand their influence.”
It notes further, “For decades, U.S. policy was rooted in the belief that support for China’s rise and for its integration into the post-war international order would liberalize China. Contrary to our hopes, China expanded its power at the expense of the sovereignty of others. … Part of China’s military modernization and economic expansion is due to its access to the U.S. innovation economy, including America’s world-class universities. … Today, they are fielding military capabilities designed to deny America access in times of crisis and to contest our ability to operate freely in critical commercial zones during peacetime.”
Fortunately, even some of the most entrenched American scholars on China are awakening to the dangers23, and their assessment is in line with the Trump administration’s NSS.
Stanford University’s Hoover Institution convened a distinguished group of China scholars, who issued a report on the current state of affairs with China. James Mulvenon, a renowned expert on Chinese economic espionage, summed up their revised perspective on China: “It speaks to the disillusionment of an entire generation of China specialists who thought they were helping China emerge onto the world stage only to discover that the project had gone badly awry.” Similarly, Winston Lord, Ronald Reagan’s24 ambassador to China, whose expertise began when he was a key adviser to Richard Nixon’s Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, concluded, “All of us have become more pessimistic about [China’s] trends.”
But their collective assessment will fall on deaf socialist Democrat Party25 ears if the American people fail to reelect Donald J. Trump.
China isn’t using traditional weapons of war against the United States. It’s using economic weapons of war. But make no mistake: The gross imbalance of U.S. dollars flowing into China right now is being used to acquire, develop, and produce advanced weapons of war. The sole purpose of those weapons is to help secure a future in which China is not just the world’s dominant economic power but its dominant power, period.
Bombs may not be dropping, but we are at war. Just wars have always required economic sacrifice. This war, if we are going to engage, will require economic sacrifice. The question is: Do we have the national will to make the sacrifices now, or, in the name of political expedience, will future generations of Americans be forced to sacrifice much more than curbing the quantity of cheap products?
Semper Vigilans Fortis Paratus et Fidelis Pro Deo et Libertate — 1776
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