He said that moderates had been backed into a corner by an American- led campaign to label the Islamic administration terrorists.
"Everybody was against us from the beginning, and now we have no choice but to fight," Addou said. "What I don't understand is why the whole world is trying to throw its weight behind a government that has been totally rejected by its own people."
UN officials said they supported the government in Baidoa because it was the most representative of all the various clans in Somalia.
But one side effect of the multiclan approach has been ceaseless disputes between clan elders. All the while, the Islamists have aggressively expanded their territory.
Many politicians in Baidoa vehemently opposed calling upon Ethiopian muscle, fearing the backlash it would provoke. In the past, some Somali clans have teamed up with Ethiopian forces to dominate other clans, ending in even more bloodshed. So, when the idea to bring Ethiopian soldiers to Baidoa was first proposed last year it proved so divisive that it set off a brawl among the politicians, and failed to pass.
"The problem with having Ethiopians defend us is that they make us look like the puppets that the Islamists accuse us of being," said Sheriff Hassan Sheik Aden, speaker of the Parliament in Baidoa.
Ethiopian officials insisted they have dispatched only a few hundred military advisers to Baidoa, but UN monitors and witnesses on the ground say several thousand Ethiopian infantry troops are digging in near Baidoa.
Sporadic peace talks between the Baidoa politicians and the Islamists have produced little but broken promises. The only thing that seems to be delaying all-out war is the mutual recognition that a decisive victory was unlikely. The Islamists are reluctant to march on Baidoa and trigger a crushing Ethiopian response, while the Ethiopians seem fearful of trying to storm Mogadishu, the same city that claimed the lives of 18 U.S. Army Rangers in the infamous Black Hawk Down battle in 1993.
A growing number of Democrats in Congress are urging the Bush administration to change course and deal with the Islamists for what they are: the power on the ground.
"The Islamists aren't going away, so the sooner we talk to them, the better," said Donald Payne, a Democratic congressman from New Jersey who is expected to be the chairman of the House subcommittee on Africa when the Democrats take control of Congress in January.
In Mogadishu, the Islamists are continuing their hearts-and-minds campaign, organizing neighborhood cleanups, delivering food to the needy and resuscitating old national institutions, like the supreme court, which was given a fresh coat of paint and reopened in October.
Streets that were clogged with years of debris are now clear and bureaucracy is budding, with more rules and more paperwork, including forms at the airport that ask name, age, nationality and religion — Muslim or non-Muslim being the only two choices.
All the talk of slaughtering Ethiopian invaders and their American sponsors, though, seems to have brought out a harsher side of the Islamic administration.
Nearly every day, rings of people gather on Mogadishu's streets to watch lashings, and the crowds cheer as leather whips cut canals into flesh. One Islamic leader in a town north of Mogadishu recently passed an edict threatening that anyone who does not pray five times a day will be beheaded.
"It's black and white," said the leader, Hussein Barre Rage. "The Koran says people must pray."
Not so long ago, Somalia was a place where women wore skirts and men drank beer, and even today there is a large chunk of the population that is quietly concerned about the absolutist direction the Islamists seem to be heading.
But the prospects of war with Ethiopia appear to have pushed many of these people solidly into the Islamic camp.
"I'm not into thought control," said Dahir Abdullahi Hirsi, a pharmacist in Mogadishu. "But I hate Ethiopians even more."
Somalia's Islamists prepare for war with Ethiopia