Amen!

Amen Sister Maria, A long but very worthy study. If a person takes this post and compares it to the Bible they will indeed see the truth of the Trinity.

Thank you for posting this.

Brothers and Sisters,

Division in the Church is the Devils work. He uses the tool of dissension to break up the Church to attempt to make it less effective. The body of Christ is joined together by this statement

"That we are saved by Gods grace alone through faith in Christ Jesus merit's alone."

not by the name of a given denomination. If that "screams of  unionism" then so does the Bible. The unity of brothers and sisters in Jesus Christ.


Psa 133:1  <A Song of degrees of David.> Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity!


Eph 4:2  With all lowliness and meekness, with longsuffering, forbearing one another in love;
Eph 4:3  Endeavouring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.
Eph 4:4  There is one body, and one Spirit, even as ye are called in one hope of your calling;
Eph 4:5  One Lord, one faith, one baptism,
Eph 4:6  One God and Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in you all.
Eph 4:7  But unto every one of us is given grace according to the measure of the gift of Christ.



Eph 4:13  Till we all come in the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ:
Eph 4:14  That we henceforth be no more children, tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of men, and cunning craftiness, whereby they lie in wait to deceive;
Eph 4:15  But speaking the truth in love, may grow up into him in all things, which is the head, even Christ:
Eph 4:16  From whom the whole body fitly joined together and compacted by that which every joint supplieth, according to the effectual working in the measure of every part, maketh increase of the body unto the edifying of itself in love.
Eph 4:17  This I say therefore, and testify in the Lord, that ye henceforth walk not as other Gentiles walk, in the vanity of their mind,
Eph 4:18  Having the understanding darkened, being alienated from the life of God through the ignorance that is in them, because of the blindness of their heart:
Eph 4:19  Who being past feeling have given themselves over unto lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness with greediness.
Eph 4:20  But ye have not so learned Christ;
Eph 4:21  If so be that ye have heard him, and have been taught by him, as the truth is in Jesus:
Eph 4:22  That ye put off concerning the former conversation the old man, which is corrupt according to the deceitful lusts;
Eph 4:23  And be renewed in the spirit of your mind;
Eph 4:24  And that ye put on the new man, which after God is created in righteousness and true holiness.
Eph 4:25  Wherefore putting away lying, speak every man truth with his neighbour: for we are members one of another.


PRAISE GOD FOR HIS SAVING GRACE!

You are everything without me as long as you have God.  

You are most welcome, Sister.

If you want to quote just a portion the Highlight that portion, right click and copy.

I'm just testing.  Sorry to use the space and the post; but a girl's gotta do what a girl's gotta do

Let's try this . . .

Now you've got it.

"You're attacking people's memories and you're harming peoples lives by bringing up this lawsuit. It's very offensive, it's frivolous."

A lawsuit demanding crosses be removed from memorials to fallen Utah Highway Patrol troopers gets an emotional response. Hundreds of people protested the lawsuit at the UHP office in Murray today, saying the crosses honoring the UHP troopers and should not be removed.

The lawsuit, filed by Atheist groups, says the 14 roadside memorials violate the separation of church and state. Atheists say the Utah Highway Patrol logo on a Christian symbol that's also on government property is a state endorsement of Christianity. But those attending the rally say they were offended and disappointed; they feel this lawsuit has gone too far.

Hundreds of people showed up to fight back.

"I don't want the crosses to be down because it reminds me so much of him. I love my grandpa."

They say it’s a smear on the memory of their loved ones.

Eyewitness News sat down with Stephen Clark, a plaintiff in the suit and local Atheist leader . He says he wants the troopers remembered too.

Stephen Clark, Salt Lake Valley Atheists: "If these religious symbols were on private property that would totally satisfy us, of if a secular symbol was placed on government property, that would satisfy us."

He suggests a flag made of cloth or steel be erected in the place of a cross. The opposition to the crosses was fought back with more crosses. Organizers made 300 PVC crosses with about 200 signs. In about an hour's time, they had already sold more than half.

It’s one political statement in response to another. Many people say the crosses are a small tribute for paying the ultimate sacrifice and to remove them is a shocking and blatant request.

Devan Thorne, Son of Fallen Trooper: "It's like moving a gravestone, it's like digging up a graveyard, and it's just not right."

JoAnne Winn Sharpe, Wife of Fallen Grooper: "I now have 29 grandchildren and seven great pretty soon; these are kids that will never know their grandfather."

Stephen Clark says he'd rather just drop the lawsuit. He'd like to sit down with the Utah Highway Patrol Association, the group that put up the crosses, to come up with a solution.

 

Page Two



          Administration sensible that we should regard these oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true; but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from the United Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of Great-Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events have shewn, how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.

          Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses among a bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time actually existed within the province of Massachusetts- Bay; and that those concerned with it, had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of the other colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that he would take the most effectual measures to inforce due obediance to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature." -- Soon after, the commercial intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other, was cut off by an act of parliament; by another several of them were intirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately sent over to general Gage.

          Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers, and commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. -- equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favor. Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives; and thus to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? in our circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them.

          Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this continent, general Gage, who in the course of the last year had taken possession of the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, and still occupied it a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. -- The inhabitants of Boston being confined within that town by the general their governor, and having, in order to procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said inhabitants having deposited their arms with their own magistrate, should have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.

          By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands, children from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have been used to live in plenty and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.

          The general, further emulating his ministerial masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these colonies, proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels and traitors, to supercede the course of the common law, and instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial." -- His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him.

          We have rceived certain intelligence, that general Carleton, the governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province and the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, sword and famine. [1] We are reduced to the alternative of chusing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. -- The latter is our choice. -- We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. -- Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.

          Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. -- We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine favour towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God and the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverence, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than to live slaves.

          Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. -- Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them. -- We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

          In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it -- for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our fore-fathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before.

          With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.

This document was prepared by the Second Continental Congress to explain to the world why the British colonies had taken up arms against Great Britain. It is a combination of the work of Thomas Jefferson and Colonel John Dickinson (well-known for his series "Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer."). Jefferson completed the first draft, but it was perceived by the Contenential Congress as too harsh and militant; Dickinson prepared the second. The final document combined the work of the two.


____________________________



Declaration of the Causes and Necessity
of Taking Up Arms July 6, 1775

          A declaration by the representatives of the united colonies of North America, now met in Congress at Philadelphia, setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms.

          If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason to believe, that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in, and an unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the parliament of Great-Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority over them, has been granted to that body. But a reverance for our Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature of Great-Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and desparate of success in any mode of contest, where regard should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to sight justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice of our cause. Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain, left their native land, to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they removed, by unceasing labour, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant and unhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike barbarians. -- Societies or governments, vested with perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm, arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of Great-Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. --Towards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. -- From that fatal movement, the affairs of the British empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest foundations. -- The new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and then subduing her faithful friends.

          These colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could not save them from the meditated innovations. -- Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried. But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared, that parliament can "of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or is subject to our control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.

cont'd on page two

In most current history books that quote Patrick Henry all we read is "Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death". The rest of the text is always left out. Following is the complete document.



Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death
March 23, 1775
By Patrick Henry
          No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at the truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

          Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the numbers of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth, to know the worst, and to provide for it.

          I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received?

          Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlement assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.

          There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free--if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us! They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength but irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

          It is in vain, sir, to extentuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

Senators and Representatives in the
First United States Congress

_________________________


1st U.S. Congress (1789-1791) Senators


Source: "Senators Elected to the United States Senate: The 1st Federal Congress of the United States of America (1789-1791)" in "Religion in the United States Government" section of "World Information" website (http://wwwgotcha100forum.org/FFR-Senate.htm; viewed 8 July 2005)

Charles Carroll         MD    Catholic
Oliver Ellsworth         CT    Congregationalist
John Langdon               NH   Congregationalist
Caleb Strong                MA   Congregationalist
Paine Wingate                NH   Congregationalist
Philip Schuyler          NY   Dutch Reformed Church
Pierce Butler                 SC   Episcopalian
Theodore Foster           RI    Episcopalian
Rufus King                   MA   Episcopalian
James Monroe              VA    Episcopalian
Robert Morris               PA    Episcopalian
George Read                DE    Episcopalian
Tristram Dalton       MA    Episcopalian
William Grayson            VA    Episcopalian
James Gunn                 GA    Episcopalian
John Henry                   MD   Episcopalian
Ralph Izard                   SC   Episcopalian
Richard Henry Lee          VA   Episcopalian
William S. Johnson         CT   Episcopalian; Presbyterian
Richard Bassett             DE   Methodist
William Few                   GA   Methodist
Jonathan Elmer              NJ    Presbyterian
William Paterson            NJ     Presbyterian
Philemon Dickinson        NJ    Quaker
Benjamin Hawkins         NC   unknown
Samuel Johnston          NC    unknown
William Maclay               PA    unknown
Joseph Stanton Jr.        RI     unknown
John Walker                 VA      unknown



1st U.S. Congress (1789-1791)
Representatives
Source: "Representatives Elected to the United States Congress: The 1st Federal Congress of the United States of America (1789-1791)" in "Religion in the United States Government" section of "World Information" website (http://wwwgotcha100forum.org/FFR-Congress.htm; viewed 8 July 2005)



Fisher Ames               MA       Calvinist
Daniel Carroll              MD       Catholic
Thomas Fitzsimons     PA        Catholic
Abiel Foster                NH       Congregationalist
Benjamin Huntington   CT       Congregationalist
James Jackson            GA       Congregationalist
Roger Sherman           CT       Congregationalist
Jeremiah Wadsworth   CT        Congregationalist
Nicholas Gilman           NH       Congregationalist
Abraham Baldwin        GA        Congreg' ;Episcopalian
Egbert Benson            NY        Dutch Reformed Church
James Schureman       NJ         Dutch Reformed Church
Henry Wynkoop          PA         Dutch Reformed Church
James Madison Jr.       VA         Episcopalian
George Mathews         GA         Episcopalian
Peter Muhlenberg        PA          Episcopalian
Josiah Parker               VA         Episcopalian
Peter Silvester             NY         Episcopalian
John Vining                 DE         Episcopalian
Theodorick Bland         VA         Episcopalian
Timothy Bloodworth     NC        Episcopalian
Elias Boudinot              NJ         Episcopalian
Benjamin Contee          MD        Episcopalian
William Floyd                NY         Episcopalian
George Gale                 MD        Episcopalian
Elbridge Gerry              MT         Episcopalian
Thomas Hartley            PA         Episcopalian
John Laurance              NY         Episcopalian
Richard Bland Lee        VA          Episcopalian
George Leonard           MT         Episcopalian
Samuel Livermore         NH         Episcopalian
John Page                    VA         Episcopalian
Thomas Sinnickson       NJ          Episcopalian
William L. Smith            SC         Episcopalian
Alexander White            VA        Episcopalian
George Clymer               PA        Quaker, Episcopalian
Lambert Cadwalader       NJ        Quaker
John Hathorn                 NY       Quaker
Daniel Hiester Jr.            PA       German Reformed Church
Daniel Huger                  SC       Huguenot
Frederick A. Muhlenberg  PA       Lutheran
Jeremiah Van Rensselaer NY       Lutheran
Benjamin Bourne            RI       Presbyterian
William Smith                 MD      Presbyterian
Hugh Williamson             NC      Presbyterian
George Thatcher            MT       Unitarian
John Baptista Ashe         NC      Anglican
John Brown                    VA      unknown
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Hi Sister Terri,

The quote is the easiest one. Just click on the quote button in the upper right hand corner of the post that you want to quote.  If you want to quote just a portion the Highlight that portion, right click and copy. Then in your new post use the next to the last button on the bottom line. Move the cursor to the center, then right click and paste.

For displaying images I suggest getting an account with someone like photobucket.com. It is free to do so. Install your image on there. To do that you find an image, save it to your hard drive, then use the photobucket browse button to upload it to your account with them.

After that you will see a url below the picture. Highlight it, right click and copy it. Then in a post window on CU use the img button. That's the fourth button from the left on the bottom line. Move the cursor to the center of that and right click and past the url.

[Ok is this right?]

Ok is this right?

Huh oh, look out everyone, Terri and Maria know how to make a bold statement!  

 

Now, are you saying the router keeps other people in the same household from accessing the computer I use, or are you talking about others outside the household?

The router prevents both, other computers in the household as well as those without from accessing your computer. Yes, you should have a software firewall in addition to the router for better protection. I just use the standard windows firewall.

Oh, your "new" computer is a little bit more powerful than mine.  I have the 80GB hard drive but not your ATA/100 and I have 2.0 GHz compared to your 2.40 GHz. I have 512 RAM memory to your 256 RAM.  Actually, I don't have the slightest idea of what this all means, with the exception that your computer is a little faster.  How much difference this is going to make with broadband, I don't know.  

The difference probably would not be noticeable unless you are doing a whole lot on your computer in addition to the internet all at the same time.

I use a lot of graphic intensive programs that take up a lot of memory at the same time I'm on the net so I noticed the difference when I upgraded.

[Wonderful, Counsellor, The mighty God, The everlasting Father, The Prince of Peace.]

There is no GOD but GOD and all else is subservient to him and even the Truth is the bible tells you strictly that God gave Jesus the power and authority to put all things under subjection to him except GOD Himself!

 Isa 9:6 For unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given: and the government shall be upon his shoulder: and his name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, The mighty God, The everlasting Father, The Prince of Peace.(KJV)

Witness the Real, according to my Bible God's Word Jesus is The mighty God. Not a mighty God, but The mighty God. Not my interpretation BUT God's own Word tells us that, It also reads The everlasting Father. that is very simple to understand.

Amen Sister,

Jesus did say He was God:


Joh 8:57  Then said the Jews unto him, Thou art not yet fifty years old, and hast thou seen Abraham?
Joh 8:58  Jesus said unto them, Verily, verily, I say unto you, Before Abraham was, I am.
Joh 8:59  Then took they up stones to cast at him: but Jesus hid himself, and went out of the temple, going through the midst of them, and so passed by.

The only way to know if you have a good server or not is through experience with them. How reliable they are? Are there a lot of down times, etc? I use one through the local TV cable company and have had very good service with them.


I have a router made by Motorola. A router is actually a device that allows more than one computer to be hooked up to one broadband connection at the same time. I nice side benefit to some of them is the ability to prevent others from accessing your computer  ......  a hardware block of sorts.

I would have the firewall set up and ready to go when the broadband is hooked up. The changes made on your computer will not cause you to loose anything in your computer such as favorites or other internet settings except the dialup settings.