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« on: February 24, 2016, 06:17:57 PM » |
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________________________________________ The Patriot Post - Alexander's Column 2-24-2016 From The Federalist Patriot Free Email Subscription ________________________________________
The Trump Freight Train Populist Locomotive Rolls into Super Tuesday
By Mark Alexander
Feb. 24, 2016
“We should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections.” —John Adams, 1797
Donald Trump won the Nevada caucus1 Tuesday with almost 46% of the vote, and he is now three for four. Marco Rubio claimed 24% to Ted Cruz’s 21%.
For his part, Trump told his supporters, “Now we’re winning, winning, winning the country, and soon the country is going to start winning, winning, winning!”
Of the Nevada demographics, he said, “We won the evangelicals. We won with young. We won with old. We won with highly educated. We won with poorly educated. I love the poorly educated. We’re the smartest people. We’re the most loyal people, and you know what I’m happy about? Because I’ve been saying it for a long time — 46% were the Hispanics — 46%. Number one with Hispanics. I’m really happy about that.” And according to the entrance polling2 and the exit polling3, he is correct.
Though Nevada, like Iowa, is a caucus state, and only 70,000 people turned out, the breadth of Trump’s support among those voters was impressive. The commonly held theory that Trump has a “low ceiling” of support, capped at just 30%, is questionable. As Byron York writes, “If he has a ceiling … it is higher than earlier thought.”
The GOP delegate count is now Trump 81, Cruz 17, Rubio 17, Kasich 6 and Carson 4. That is a long way from the 1,237 delegates needed to secure the Republican nomination, but the Trump train is full of steam.
Trump’s campaign is a case study of how a wealthy, masterful self-promoter can keep himself front-and-center in the mainstream media, and how that keeps him on top in the polls in a field with multiple opponents. Though Trump could buy his way to a Republican primary victory4, he won’t have to.
There are three factors propelling Trump’s lead.
But before defining those factors, by way of disclosure up front let me say that I will “vote early and often” for Donald Trump if he is the Republican nominee.
Here is what I know about Trump.
Beyond all the bluster, he surrounds himself with smart and capable people. He is, first and foremost, a promoter and negotiator — and those are useful presidential attributes. He treats his people well and is liked by most of those who work for him, top to bottom. He can be as amusing as he is annoying. Notably, he has a similar demographic appeal to that of Ronald Reagan5. Though President Reagan had a long and distinguished conservative record prior to his election in 1981 — which Trump most certainly does not — Trump does attract “Reagan Democrats,” blue-collar workers who helped secure sweeping Republican victories in 1980 and 19846.
On the flip side, I believe that Trump is a textbook narcissist, not unlike Barack Obama, and I have grave reservations about trading one for the other — because those with such pathology are driven primarily by self-interest, which may or may not coincide with the national interest.
Having said that, my greatest concern in 2016 is that the Republican nominee be able to defeat Hillary Clinton7, Bernie Sanders8, Elizabeth Warren9, Michael Bloomberg10 or whoever comes out of their convention if Clinton is indicted. My preference would be a genuine conservative nominee with a track record to back it up.
The three factors propelling Trump’s candidacy thus far have created something of a “perfect storm” for him, but there is no guarantee those winds will prevail on November 8, 2016.
1. The Obama Effect
Despite his decidedly liberal “New York values11” and the fact that his brilliantly timed and superbly calculated rhetoric is mostly fragrance and not substance, Trump’s broad appeal is sustained because that rhetoric affirms the anger12 of conservatives and moderates across the board — anger that has been seeded by the extraordinary arrogance of Obama and the failure of Republicans to counter his populist policies.
Because of Trump’s celebrity, he came into the race with enviable name recognition, but his fearless and often inflammatory remarks have propelled the wealthy populist to the top of the Republican heap.
Now, I know what you’re thinking: Isn’t “wealthy populist” an oxymoron?
Actually, it isn’t — at least not among Democrats. Look no further than Franklin Delano Roosevelt13, JFK and the current generation of “useful idiots14” they spawned.
In truth, Trump’s support reflects very little about his history or qualifications, but it reflects a whole lot about his message and how dissatisfied millions of disenfranchised Americans are with Republican “leadership.” The status quo represented by former House Speaker John Boehner and current Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has, in effect, underwritten Trump’s rising stardom.
Despite greatly increasing the numbers of genuine conservatives in the House and Senate in the historic “2014 Republican Wave15,” bolstering their numbers from the 2010 midterm, the much-loathed remnant of “establishment types” still held the reins and failed to counter Obama’s Socialist Democratic Party16 policies. Worse, GOP “leaders” marginalized or ignored the concerns of the conservative/Republican base, and we are rightly outraged.
Additionally, if Trump is anything, he is brash — and America is brash. His rhetoric brings some much-needed humor and levity17 to an otherwise dry quadrennial Republican presidential field. Though his trademark “Make America Great Again” slogan lacks any substantive policy positions or insights to back it up, it certainly resonates with grassroots folks. As National Review’s Rich Lowry concludes, “One lesson of the success of the Trump for president campaign is that as long as you are not making sense with great certainty and forcefulness, no one will care too much that you aren’t making sense. For now, it’s part of the genius of Trump as communicator.”
2. The Fratricidal Field of Contenders
Going into Iowa, there were 17 Republican contenders who were fighting each other rather than focusing on their Democrat opponents. That field is now down to five on the Super Tuesday ballots next week — and they have now elevated the infighting to shouting matches.
“The Republican process of picking Clinton’s opponent already has … pruned the field from 17 to five, with only four — Trump, Ted Cruz, Marco Rubio and John Kasich (but not Ben Carson) — with arguable paths to the nomination,” notes George Will18. But all paths except Trump’s go over dead man’s bluff unless the field narrows to three, and then two, candidates.
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