THE ANNALS THE WORLD

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4603. He brought into the public treasury in plate and in gold and silver coins, 20,000 talents. {Plutarch} Among the other gifts that were dedicated by him in the capitol, was the cabinet of King Mithridates as Varro and other authors of that time confirm. This first gave the Romans an appetite for pearls and jewels. {Pliny, l. 37. c. 1.} There was also dedicated all the most precious things of Mithridates that were found in the new castle {Strabo, l. 12. p. 556, 557.} as well as that golden vine that was brought from Judea. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 5.} There was also six cups of the stone of murra (fluorspar), then first brought to Rome. These were soon commonly used and popular material for plates and dishes. {Pliny. l. 37. c. 2.}

4604. When Pompey came triumphing into the capitol, he put none of the captives to death as those that had triumphed before him used to do. He paid their expenses from the public money and sent everyone home to his own country, except those that were of royal extraction. {Appian} It appears incorrect what Appian adds that Aristobulus was put to death and after him, Tigranes because Aristobulus later returned into his country. Josephus and Dio confirmed this and that Tigranes was kept in chains with Flavius, a senator, by the order of Pompey. He was released from his custody by Clodius, the tribune of the people, which Asconius Pedianus confirmed in his commentary on the Milonian Speech.

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4605. After the Gazenses were freed from the rule of the Jews, they began the epoch of their times from this event. {Fasti. Siculi. year 4. Olymp. 179.} The Gazenses began their year about the 27th day of the Julian October, as we gathered from Marcus, a deacon of Gaza, in the life of Porphyry, a bishop of Gaza.

4606. Cicero's brother Marcus was the cause that no one succeeded Quintus Cicero in the praetorship of Asia. Cicero in a letter to him showed this. Among other things that were well done by him in the province, he lists this that the thieveries of the Mysians were stopped and murders in many places suppressed. Peace was settled throughout the whole province. The robberies and thieveries of travellers in the countries and the town and cities was suppressed. {Cicero, Letters to Quint. Fraer., l. 1. epist. 1.}

4607. M. Cicero had sent a commentary written in Greek about his consulship to Rhodes to Posidonius. (He was the Apamean and was a philosopher and an historian. Cicero wanted him to rewrite this in better style.) When he had read what Cicero wrote, he wrote back to him that he was not encouraged to write but that he was clearly afraid. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 2. epist. 1.}

4608. Ptolemy Auletus had a son born to him in his old age. This son succeeded him in his kingdom. Hence he was not older than 13 years when Pompey fled to him after the battle of Pharsalia. {Dio, l. 42.}

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4609. Pompey requested from the senate that they would confirm all the things that he had granted to kings, governors and cities. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 432.}

4610. Lucullus had spent his time in luxurious living. The senate asked him to use his authority to deal in matters of state and he presently attacked Pompey's legislation. {Plutarch, in Pompey} He and Metellus Creticus remembered the wrongs Pompey had done to them. They and some of the nobility resisted Pompey that those things that were either promised to cities or the rewards to them that had deserved evil of him, should not be distributed according to Pompey's own pleasure. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 40.} Lucullus requested that Pompey should propose to the senate concerning his actions in detail and not demand that they should be all approved in one measure. Otherwise it would be unjust to approve all his acts together before they knew what they were as if they had been done by some god. Since Pompey had disannulled some of Lucullus' acts, he demanded that both of their acts should be proposed in the senate that they might confirm either of them that were worthy of approbation. Cato, Metellus Celer who was the consul, and others that were of the same opinion, earnestly defended Lucullus. {Dio, l. 37.} Lucullus bragged also that the victory over Mithridates belonged to him and drew Crasius to his side. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 432, 433.} Thereupon he obtained a confirmation of his decrees which Pompey had disannulled {Plutarch, in Pompey} and overthrew all the constitutions that Pompey had made after he had defeated the kings. Lucullus and Cato hindered Pompey's request that lands might be divided among his soldiers. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

4611. Pompey was thwarted in the senate and was compelled to appeal to the tribunes of the people. {Plutarch, in Pompey} He saw that L. Flavius the tribune had demanded that lands be divided among Pompey's soldiers and that all the citizens might give their say that by this means this might be more easily granted. Also he wanted all Pompey's acts confirmed. Metellus the consul so eagerly opposed him that he was carried to prison by the tribune. Notwithstanding, the consul resolutely persisted in his opinion as also did others, so that Pompey was forced at length to yield to his demands. He regretted that he had discharged his soldiers and exposed himself to the wrongs of his enemies. {Dio, l. 37.}

4612. Meanwhile, C. Julius Caesar came to Rome to demand the consulship. Pompey allied himself with him and promised that he would do his best to help Caesar become a consul. By this Pompey hoped that finally his acts which he had done in the provinces beyond the seas and were opposed by so many, would be confirmed by Caesar when he was consul. Pompey and Crassus were at great odds ever since the consulship that they had held together. Caesar reconciled them and entered into an alliance with both of them. Based on this contract, nothing would be done in the state which displeased any of the three. This conspiracy was destructive to the city and all the world and finally to themselves also. {Livy, l. 103.} {Velleius Paterculus l. 2. c. 44.} {Suetonius, in Julius Caesar, c. 19.} {Plutarch, in Lucullus, Crassus, Pompey, Caesar} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2.} {Dio, l. 37.}

4613. Barro who was the best writer of this time, wrote in one book about this conspiracy of the three principal men of the city. He called it tricaranon or three headed. {Appian, p. 433.} Asinius Pollio also began to write his history of the civil war from the same book which was made in the consulship of Metellus Celer. {Horace, l. 2. carm. ode. 1.} His interpreters, Acron and Porphyrie confirm this, for neither (as many thought) the dissention of Caesar and Pompey brought in the civil wars. Their agreement rather of conspiring together to root out the nobility first and then they fell at odds among themselves. {Plutarch, in Caesar}

4614. In this very year, the 180th Olympiad was solemnized and Herodes, (a different person besides that Herod of Athens of whom Pausanias and Gellius mention as the most famous man of his time) was archon in Athens. Diodorus Siculus began the history of Caesar's affairs. In that year he showed that he travelled over Egypt in the reign of Ptolemy who was called "New Bacchus". {Bibliothec. historiar, l. 1. part. 1 & 2.}

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4615. There was a third year added to the praetorship of Quintus Cicero in Asia. Suetonius stated that he governed the proconsulate of Asia with little distinction. {Suetonius, in Octavian Augustus, c. 3.} In this year, there was written an excellent letter by Marcus Cicero concerning the good government of a province. This was placed first among those that were written to his brother Quintus.

4616. The senate sent Lentulus Marcellinus, one that had been praetor, to succeed Marcius Philippus in the government of Syria. {Appian, in Syriacis} Each of them spent two years in fighting with the Arabians who bordered Syria and invaded their country.

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4617. Julius Caesar, the consul, confirmed all Pompey's acts as he had promised him without slandering Lucullus or anyone else. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 435.} {Dio, l. 38.}

4618. Pompey also obtained from the senate that they should not confirm those honours that Lucullus had promised to some of Pontus. He said it was unjust that the distribution of rewards and honours should be given to one who did not finish the war. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558.} After he filled the city with arms and soldiers, he expelled Cato and Lucullus from the forum and confirmed his acts by violence and force. {Plutarch, in Pompey, Lucullus}

4619. Suetonius wrote that Caesar, in his first consulship, planned to sell societies and kingdoms. {Suetonius, c. 54.} He took from Ptolemy alone, 6,000 talents in the name of himself and Pompey. Dio related {Dio, l. 39.} that Ptolemy (Auletes) spent vast sums of money on certain Romans both of his own and what he borrowed. He hoped that through them the kingdom of Egypt might be confirmed to him and that he might be called their friend and ally. Plutarch {Plutarch, in Caesar} related that Auletes owed to Caesar 1750 myriads. A thousand of this, Caesar extracted when he came into Egypt after Pompey was killed. He forgave the rest of the debt to Auletes' children.

4620. In this year when Caesar was first consul, he in the third commentary of the civil war, showed that Auletes, by a law and a decree of the senate, was taken into the alliance of the people of Rome. Caesar obtained this honour from the senate before the proscription of Ptolemy's brother Ptolemy Cyprior, (which was in the next year.) Cicero confirmed in the Sectian speech. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 2. epist. 16.}

4621. C. Antony was condemned and Cicero in vain (who was his collogue in the consulship) defended him. {Dio. l. 38.} He lived as a banished man in Cephalenia and had all the island under his command as his own possession. He began to build a city but did not finish it. {Strabo, l. 10. p. 455.}

4622. It is decreed that P. Clodius should go as an ambassador to Tigranes, the king of Armenia. When he objected, he who was a patrician, was made a plebian by adoption so that by that means he was chosen as a tribune of the people. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 2. epist. 7. & Orat. pro domo sua} {Dio, l. 38.}

4623. Bruhagoras was a man of great authority among the Heraclenseus of Pontus. He and his son Propylus went to Julius Caesar and became his friend. They followed him up and down through all lands for 12 years together so that Caesar might do good to his fellow citizens. {Memnon, c. 26.}

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4624. P. Clodius was made tribune of the people. So that he might draw the new consuls to his side, he decreed to them large provinces. To Gabinius, he gave Syria, with Babylon and Persia. To Piso, he gave Achaia, Thessalia, Greece, Macedonia and all Boeotia. {Cicero, pro Sextrus, pro domo sua, de provincis consularibus} {Plutarch, in Cicero}

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4625. When Q. Cicero had governed Asia three years, he left the province. {Cicero, l. 2. Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 15. & Letters to Atticus, l. 6. epist. 6.} Marcus Cicero was then in exile in Thessalonica and wrote to Atticus concerning his brother's journey. {Cicero, l. 3. ep. 9.}

``My brother Quintus had departed from Asia, before the month of May, (about the end of the Julian February) and was come to Athens on the Ides. He was forced to hurry lest there might happen some more calamity in his absence if perchance anyone should not be content with the ills we suffer already. Therefore I had rather he should make haste to Rome, than come to me.''

4626. By a tribunal law of P. Clodius, the priest of Cybile in Pessinus, a city of Phrygia was removed from his priesthood. Brogitarus was a Galatian. (He is thought to be that Bobodiatorus, to whom as Strabo writes, Pompey gave Mithridatium after he took it away from Pontus. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 567.}) He was a wicked man and desired the priesthood not for the reverence to the temple but for violence. He bought the office of priesthood with a great sum of money though his ambassadors to Clodius. The priests of Pessinus in ancient times had been petty kings. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 567.}, By the same tribunal law, Dejotarus was often thought worthy of that name by the senate as well as his son-in-law Brogitarus who had never asked it from the senate. He had only agreed with Clodius for so much money to be paid him by bond and was ordained to be called king. However, Dejotarus received that part of the law that agreed with the senate that he should be a king without giving any money to Clodius. He preserved Pessinus in their ancient religion and had rather that his son-in-law enjoy the title by the gift of Clodius than that the temple should lack her ancient religion. {Cicero, de Aruspicum respons. & pro Sextio.}

4627. Clodius wanted to get his revenge on Ptolemy the king of Cyprus, who was the brother of Auletes, the king of Alexandria. (If we believe Velleius Paterculus, he was most like him in all his vicious manner of life.) Ptolemy had previously neglected him when he was captured by pirates. Even though Clodius lived quietly and enjoyed his ease and without showing any reason or mentioning any wrong Ptolemy had done, he favoured a law for reducing his kingdom into the form of a province. All Ptolemy's goods and money would be confiscated. The law would send M. Cato from the commonwealth under an honourable title to carry out the law. Although Cato was for the law also, he went unwillingly to Cyprus to command there with praetorian power and had a quaester with him also. {Cicero, pro Sextio. & prodomo sua} {Livy, l. 104.} {Florus, l. 3. c. 9.} {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} {Strabo, l. 24. p. 684.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 541.} {Dio. l. 38.} Cicero in his speech for Publius Sextius, speaks thus of Ptolemy:

``That miserable Cypriot, who was always an ally, was always a friend, concerning whom there was never so much as the least suspicion brought against him, either to the senate or to our generals, (as they say) lives to see himself, his very food and cloths confiscated. Behold, why should other kings think their fortune stable, since by this wicked example of that lamentable year, they may see themselves by one tribune and six hundred artificers stripped of all their fortunes and all their kingdom.''

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4628. Thereupon also Ammianus Marcellinus {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} was not ashamed to say that the people of Rome invaded that island from covetousness (from lack of money in their treasury) than justice. Sextus Rufus in his breviary said that the poverty of the people of Rome and the shortage of money in the treasury provoked them to seize that island that was so famous for its riches. They got the command of it more covetously than justly.

4629. Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, a king and an enemy, was still kept prisoner by Pompey's command at L. Flavius' house, who was the praetor. Clodius, the tribune of the people, was bribed to ask Flavius that he would give Tigranes permission to dine with them that he might see him. When Tigranes came, he feasted him and took him from prison and let him go free. (??) Clodius would not turn him over when Pompey demanded him. When Tigranes had escaped by ship, he was driven back by a storm. Clodius, the tribune, sent Sextius Clodius to bring Tigranes to him. As soon as Flavius heard of it, he went to apprehend Tigranes. Within four miles of the city, there was a skirmish and many were killed on both sides, however Flavius' party fared the worse. Papirius was killed. He was a Roman equestrian, a publican and very close friend of Pompey. Flavius barely escaped to Rome by himself. Clodius, the tribune, contemtuously treated Pompey and Gabinius who did not approve of this. Clodius beat and wounded their companion and broke the fasces of Gabinius, the consul. He confiscated his goods. {Cicero, pro domo sua Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Milonianam} {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, l. 38.}

4630. Piso and Gabinius, who were the consuls, expelled Syrapis, Isis, Harpocrates and Cynocephalus. They were forbidden to come to the capitol. The consuls overthrew their altars and curtailed the vices of their filthy and idle superstitions. {Tertullian, in Apologetico}

4631. Ptolemy Auletes was told by the Egyptians to request from the Romans the island of Cyprus or to renounce their alliance. He did not agree to do this. He had incurred their hatred both for this reason and for the high taxes he imposed on the Egyptians to pay his debt that he had incurred by purchasing of the Roman alliance. Therefore, when he neither could persuade them to be quiet, nor could compel them by force, (for he had no mercenaries) he fled from Egypt and sailed to Rome. {Livy, l. 104.} {Dio. l. 39.} He wanted Caesar and Pompey to use their army to restore him again. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} However, Timagenes (who under Augustus' reign, wrote some histories) from whom Seneca, {Seneca, l. 3. de Ira. c. 23.} affirmed that Ptolemy left the kingdom without any good reason or that he was compelled by any necessity. Theophanes convinced him to leave Egypt because he would give Pompey an opportunity to get money and of starting new wars. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4632. When Cato sailed to Cyprus, Clodius the tribune would not give him any ships, soldiers or servants to go with him. He only had two secretaries. One was a notorious thief and the other a client of Clodius. If the business of Cyprus had been but a small matter, Clodius ordered him to restore the exiles of Byzantium to keep Cato away from Rome as long as he possibly could. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

4633. Cato through his friend Canidius whom he sent before him to Cyprus, talked with Ptolemy and tried to persuade him to yield without fighting. He gave Ptolemy the hope that he would neither live poorly nor in contempt and that the people would give him the priesthood of Paphian Venus. Meanwhile, Cato stayed at Rhodes to make preparations and to wait for an answer. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} When Ptolemy knew what was decreed against him, he dared not fight against the Romans. Neither did he think he could live, if he were expelled from his kingdom. Therefore he put all his treasure into ships and sailed. He hoped to sink his ships and died as he wished with his treasure so his enemies would not get their hands on it. He could not endure to sink his gold and silver and so he returned home again and killed himself by drinking poison. Although he held the title of king, he was a slave to his money. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} {Florus, l. 3. c. 9.} {Strabo, l. 14. p. 684.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} {Valer. Maxim. l. 9. c. 14.} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2 p. 441.} {Dio, l. 39} {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario}

4634. Ptolemy Auletes sailed for Rome. When he had arrived at Rhodes, he wanted to meet Cato and sent for him and hoped that Cato would come to him. Cato replied to Ptolemy that if Ptolemy wanted to see him Ptolemy would have to come to him. After Ptolemy came, Cato neither went to meet him nor rose from his seat but greeted him as he would one of the common people and asked him to sit down. At first it amazed Ptolemy and he wondered to see such superciliousness and severity in one that had so simple and lowly a train. When they began to talk of his business, Cato accused him of folly for leaving his own country, he had subjected himself to such dishonour and such great pains only to satisfy the covetousness of the chief men of Rome. This he could never do even if all the kingdom of Egypt were coined into silver. Therefore, he counselled him to return with his navy and to reconcile himself to his subjects. Cato offered to go along with him and to help him to be reconciled. The king was brought to his senses by this speech and when he perceived the truth and Cato's wisdom, he intended to follow his advice. However, his friends turned him from this good advice. As soon as Ptolemy came to Rome and was forced to wait at the magistrates gates, he began to lament his inconsiderate enterprise and that he had scorned the divine oracles of such a great man. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} However, his coming caused so much trouble to the Romans later, that Crassus {Cicero, pro Caelius} used that speech of the tragedian, "Vtinam ne in monte Pelio." That is:

``If only not in Mount Peliom''

4635. The Alexandrians did not know of Ptolemy's journey to Italy and thought that he was dead. They set his legitimate daughter, Bereice, over the kingdom along with her older sister Tryphaena (who was older than Cleopatra). {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.} {Porphyrius, in Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri., p. 226.} They sent Menelaus Lampon and Callimachus to Antiochus Pius, (or Asiaticus rather his son, whom Pompey had dispossessed of his kingdom) to ask him to reign together with the women. However, he was sick and died. {Porphyrus, in Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri., p. 227.}

4636. Both the consuls went into the provinces as soldiers, Piso into Macedonia and Gabinius into Syria. The people followed them with their curses. {Cicero, pro Sextio. & in L. Piso} When Gabinius was about to set sail in Syria, he invited Antony (who was later in the triumvirate) to go along with him to the wars. He refused to do this as a private soldier, but when he was put in command of the cavalry then he went with him to the wars. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4637. T. Ampius, through the help of P. Clodius the tribune, obtained the province of Cilicia, which was contrary to the custom. {Cicero, pro domo sua.} {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 3.}

4638. Cicero mentions this about Gabinius' journey to Syria and his first arrival. In his speech of consular provinces he said:

``His journey into the province was like this. King Ariobarzanes hired your consul to commit murders as if he had been a Thracian. When he first came into Syria, he lost many of his cavalry and later the best of his foot soldiers.''

4639. Cicero also mentions the loss of Gabinius' cavalry and foot soldiers in his speech for Sextus. {Cicero, pro Sextius}

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4640. Although it was said that the king of Cyprus left a vast sum of money behind him, yet Cato determined to go first to Byzantium. M. Brutus, his sister's son, (the murderer of Julius Caesar later) was in Pamphylia, where he then lived to recover his health. Cato wrote to him that he should immediately come to him from there to Cyprus because he suspected that Canidius was meddling with money and would appropriate some for himself. Brutus undertook this journey much against his will. He thought Cato had slandered Canidius and that this job was too menial and unsuited for him. Brutus was a young studious man. However, he behaved himself so well that Cato commended him. {Plutarch, in Cato & Brutus}

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4641. Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who on the way to Rome had escaped from Pompey, bothered Judea with his raids. At that time, Hyrcanus was not able to resist him, since he was determined to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem which Pompey had thrown down. The Romans who were there, hindered the work. Alexander travelled through the country and armed many Jews. In a short time he had 10,000 foot soldiers and 1500 cavalry. He strongly fortified Alexandrion, a citadel located near Corea, Hyrcanium and Michaeron, not far from the mountains of Arabia. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4642. A. Gabinius, the governor of Syria undertook an expedition against Alexander. He sent M. Antony ahead with some commanders. These joined with some Jews who were under their command whose captains were Pitholaus and Matichus. They also took some auxiliaries from Antipater. These met with Alexander and Gabinius followed with the rest of the army. Alexander drew near Jerusalem where the battle was fought. The Romans killed 3000 of the enemy and took as many prisoners. When Gabinius came to the citadel of Alexandrium, he offered the besieged men conditions of peace and promised them pardon for all that was past. Since many of the enemy had camped outside the fort, the Romans attacked them. M. Antony behaved very valiantly and killed many of his enemies. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.} Antony was courteously entertained by Antipater. When Antony was in the triumvirate and came into Syria 16 years later he showed toward Antipater's sons, Phasaelus and Herod, that he remembered this courtesy. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 10., Antiq., l. 14. c. 23.}

4643. Gabinius left part of the army at the siege of Alexandrion and went to visit the rest of Judea. He ordered that what cities he found destroyed, should be rebuilt. By this means, Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnias, Raphia, Dora, Marissa, Gaza and many others were rebuilt. They were later peacefully inhabited, when before they had been deserted for so long.

4644. When he thus ordered these things in the country, Gabinius returned to Alexandrion. When the Romans intended to attack it, Alexander requested pardon through his ambassadors. He offered Gabinius the citadels of Hyrcanion and Machaeron and at last Alexandrion. Gabinius, by the advice of the mother of Alexander, levelled these with the ground lest they should be a reason for new wars. The woman was solicitous for her husband and children, who were carried captive to Rome and favoured the Romans. She used all her charms toward Gabinius and obtained from him whatever she desired. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4645. After Gabinius had settled his affairs, he took Hyrcanus to Jerusalem and committed the care of the temple and priesthood to him. He made others of the nobility, rulers of the Jewish state. He appointed five seats for courts and divided the whole province into so many equal parts. Some went to court at Jerusalem, some at Gadara, (otherwise Dora) some at Amathus, some at Jericho and some at Sephora. Thus the Jews were freed from the single command of one alone and they were willingly governed by an aristocracy. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4646. Philippus Euergeres, the son of Gryphus and Tryphaena the daughter of Ptolemy, the eighth king of the Egyptians, (who 35 years before was king of Syria) was sent for by the Alexandrians to take over the kingdom of Egypt. He was hindered from doing this by Gabinius, the governor of Syria. {Porphyr. in Gracis, Eusebian. Scaligeri p. 227.}

4647. At Rome, Pompey took up Ptolemy Auletes' cause and commended it to the senate and asked for his restoration. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} However, Ptolemy requested that he might be restored by Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the consul, to whom the province of Cilicia was given in charge. {Dio. l. 39.} Spinther also favoured Ptolemy's restoration to his kingdom by himself. A decree of the senate was made to that end. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 1. cum Orat. in L. Pison. & pro Rabirio Posthumo.}

4648. It was said that this advice was given by the same consul that a greater authority of providing grain through all the Roman Empire, by sea and land, might be given to Pompey. He hoped that Pompey would be occupied in this greater charge and the consul himself might be sent to help Ptolemy. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4649. The Alexandrians sent an hundred men to Rome that they might defend their cause against the accusations of Ptolemy and also might accuse him of the wrongs he had done to them. The leader of the embassy was Dio, an academic. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4650. Ptolemy sent out certain men into all parts and laid ambushes for the ambassadors. Most were killed on their journey and some of them he killed in the very city. He bullied or bribed the rest into submission. He so arranged matters that they did not so much as dare to bring before the magistrates their cause from whom they were sent or once make any mention of them who were killed. {Dio, l. 39.} Cicero mentions the murdering of the Alexandrian ambassadors against all law and honesty. {Cicero, in the speech, de Aruspicum respons.} He also mentions the beating of the Alexandrians at Puteoh. {Cicero, pro Coeli.}

4651. This business was so commonly known, that the senate was very angry, especially Marcus Favonius who stirred them up. Many ambassadors of their allies who were sent to Rome, were violently killed. (Cicero, {Cicero, in orat. de Auruspicum responsiis}, mentions one in particular, Theodosius who was sent as an ambassador from a free city and was stabbed by the means of P. Clodius and Hermachus, a Chian.) At that time, many Romans were corrupted by bribes. Therefore, the senate called Dio, the leader of the embassy to them so that he could testify to them concerning the truth of the matter. However, Ptolemy's money had so much prevailed that neither Dio came into the senate neither was any mention made of those who were killed, all the while that Dio was at Rome. {Dio, l. 39.}

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4652. Finally, Dio was murdered. He was a very learned man who lodged with Lucceius. (He was also a most learned man, of whom Cicero requested {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 12.} he would write the history of his consulship.) Dio knew Lucceius from Alexandria. P. Ascitius was not found guilty of this murder nor was Ptolemy punished. Ascitius was acquitted in his trial. Pompey entertained Ptolemy at his house and helped him all he could. Although many had taken bribes and were later accused before the judges, very few were condemned since there were so many that were guilty of the same fault. Everyone for fear for himself, helped the other. Hence men committed those wicked deeds for the love of money. {Cicero. in Orat. pro Coelio} {Dio, l. 39.}

4653. After M. Cato had reconciled the banished men with the rest of the citizens and established a firm concord in Byzantium, he sailed into Cyprus. The Cypriots willingly received him and hoped that in the place of servants as they had been, they should now become friends and allies with the people of Rome. Cato found there a large and royal preparation in plates, tables, jewels, and purple. All of this was to be sold for money. Hence he gathered a little less than 7000 talents of silver. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger, Brutus} {Strabo, l. 14. fin} {Dio, l. 39.}

4654. Cato was very careful in searching out all things and to set the highest price and account for every last penny. He did not trust the ways of the forum but suspected all apparitors, criers, appraisers and friends. He also talked with them privately that set the price and forced many to buy and sold many things by this means. By this he offended many of his friends by distrusting them and especially his most intimate friend, Munatius whom he provoked almost to an implacable offence. This gave occasion to Julius Caesar of accusing Cato in the book that Munatius wrote called Anticaron. This Munatius (who was called Rufus, {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 3}) wrote a commentary about Cato and his journey to Cyprus. (Thrasias mainly followed Munatius.) In the book, Munatius did not write that this difference grew between them from any distrust of Cato's. However, when he came later to Cyprus, Cato did not entertain him and preferred before him Canidius who was already there and had proved his fidelity to Cato. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

 4655.  In the last month of his consulship (then happening on the Julian
   September)  when the new tribunes of the people entered their office, P.
   Cornelius  Spinther  prepared  to  take  his  journey to his province of
   Cilicia.  Ptolemy Auletes departed from Rome as the passage from {Annal.
   of Fenestella, l. 22.} as quoted by Nonius Marcellus shows.

   ``As  soon  as  the  tribunes  entered  their  office,  C.  Cato who was
   troublesome  and  a  bold  young man and one that could speak reasonably
   well,  began to stir up the people with his speeches against Ptolemy who
   was now departed from the city and against P. Lentulus Spinther, who was
   now preparing for his journey.''

   4656.  However,  Ptolemy's  cause  was defended by Cicero, as he himself
   seems  to  show in his speech for Coelius and Fortunatianus more clearly
   confirmed by quoting by name that very speech of his for King Ptolemy.


3948a AM, 4657 JP, 57 BC

   4657.  In  the  beginning of the consulship of L. Marcius Philippus, and
   Cn.  Lentulus  Marcellinus, the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus was struck
   with  lighting.  This  halted  the  restitution  of Ptolemy for when the
   Sibyls' books were consulted, they were reported to have foretold that a
   king  of Egypt with crafty councils (as it is in {Cicero, in the oration
   pro Rabinio Posthumo}) should come to Rome. Concerning this suspicion of
   him (as it is in Dio) thus to have declared her sentence:

   ``If  a king of Egypt needs your help and shall come here, you shall not
   deny  him  friendship but you shall not help him with any forces. If you
   shall do otherwise, you will make labours and dangers.''

   4658.  The  oracle  was told to the people by C. Cato the tribune of the
   people.  It  was  not lawful to tell any prophesies of the Sibyls to the
   people  unless  the  senate  had so decreed it. It seemed to be the less
   lawful, seeing the people took it so heavily. Therefore Cato feared that
   the  sentence  of  the  oracle  would be suppressed and he compelled the
   priests  to  translate  it  into  Latin  and to declare it to the people
   before  the  senate  had  decreed  anything  about  it.  {Dio,  l.  39.}
   Notwithstanding,  this  was  the opinion of the people of Rome that this
   name  of  a  pretended  omen  was  brought  in by those against Lentulus
   Spinther  (the  proconsul of Cilicia.) This was so much to hinder him as
   that  no  one planned to go to Alexandria but for the desire of an army,
   which  among  the rest, Pompey was most desirous. (??) {Cicero., Letters
   to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 4.}

   4659.  Ammonius Ptolemais, the ambassador, publicly opposed the subduing
   of  the king by Spinther and used money to help convince others. The few
   that were for the king wanted the matter committed to Pompey. The senate
   approved  the forgery of the religious oracle, not for religious reasons
   but  for  ill  will  and for hatred of the king's large bribes. {Cicero,
   Letters  to  his  Friends,  l.  1. epist 2, l. 2. epist. 2.} {Appian, in
   Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthic. p. 134.}

   4660.  Pompey  understood  from  the oracle that he demanded that Pompey
   might come to aid him instead of Spinther. There were little notes found
   that  were thrown about in the forum and the senate house that indicated
   the  same. Thereupon the king's letter concerning this business was read
   publicly  by  Aulus  Plautius, the tribune of the people. His colleague,
   Caninius,  (Plutarch incorrectly calls him Canidius) proposed a law that
   Pompey without an army and only accompanied with two lictors would bring
   the  king  into favour again with the Alexandrians. Although the law did
   not  seem to displease Pompey, yet it was decreed by the senators partly
   under  the  pretence  of the grain law that was already committed to him
   and  of  false  concern  about  the  safety  of Pompey's person (as they
   pretended to be afraid for him.) {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, l. 39.}

   4661.  The  senate  had  various  opinions  about this business. Bibulus
   thought  that  Ptolemy  should  be established in his kingdom without an
   army  by  three  ambassadors  who  were  only  private citizens. Crassus
   thought  that the three ambassadors should either be private citizens or
   ones  holding  office.  When  Lupus  purposed  this  law, Volcatius, the
   tribune  of  the  people  thought  Pompey  should  go.  Afranius,  Libo,
   Hypsaeus, and all the close friends of Pompey agreed. Hortensius, Cicero
   and  Lucullus  thought  that  it  ought to be done by Lentulus Spinther.
   However,  Servilius denied that the king ought to be established at all.
   {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 1. & 2.}

[Soldier4Christ]

4662.  In  the  month  of  February  (or  the  Julian  November) C. Cato
   published  a law to deprive Lentulus of his command. This gave his son a
   reason to change his garment as mentioned by Cicero. {Cicero, ad Quintum
   fratrem, l. 5. epist. 5.} This must mean the law of establishing Ptolemy
   in  his  kingdom  again according to the decree of the senate granted to
   him  in his consulship. It is obvious from the letters of Cicero written
   to  him {Cicero, l. 1. epist. 7. and those that follow} that he retained
   after  the  passing  of  this law, the proconsulship of Cilicia with the
   addition also of Cyprus. (Cato had left from Cyprus already.) Cyprus was
   now  made  tributary  and  reduced  into  the  form of a province by the
   Romans. {Strabo, l. 14. fin)

   4663.  When  Ptolemy saw that he would not be established in his kingdom
   again  by  neither  Pompey  (as he most desired) nor by Lentulus, he now
   despaired  of  his  return.  He  went to Ephesus and stayed there in the
   temple of Diana. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4664.  Aristobulus,  with  his  son  Antigonus,  escaped  from  Rome and
   returned  to  Jerusalem.  A large number of Jews came to him again. They
   wanted  a  change and he still commanded their affections. He planned to
   rebuild  the citadel of Alexandrion that was torn down. {Josephus, Wars,
   l. 1. c. 6, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}

   4665.  Gabinius,  the  governor  of  Syria,  sent  soldiers  under their
   captains,  Sisinna (his son) Antony and Servilius to prevent Aristobulus
   from  seizing  Alexandrion  and  to  capture him if they could. For many
   other  Jews  had  resorted  to  him for the reputation that he had. Also
   Pitholaus,  the governor of Jerusalem, had left the Roman party and came
   to  him  with  1000  well armed men. Since many of them that came to him
   were  not well armed, Aristobulus dismissed them, as unsuitable for war.
   He  took  only 8000 armed men, (among whom those that Pitholaus brought)
   and  marched  to Macherus. The Romans pursued them and fought with them.
   Aristobulus' side valiantly held out for a good while but after they had
   lost  5000  men, they were forced to flee. Nearly 2000 fled to a certain
   mountain. From there, they got away and provided for their own safety as
   well  as  they  could.  Another  1000 with Aristobulus broke through the
   ranks  of  the  Romans  and  fled  to Mathaetus and began to fortify the
   citadel.  They  were not able to hold out in the siege for more than two
   days.  After many had been wounded, Aristobulus was taken prisoner along
   with  his  son Antigonus and brought to Gabinius. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1.
   c. 6, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}

   4666.  Plutarch  gives more details of this event and ascribes the whole
   victory to the honour of Antony.

   ``When  Antony was sent against Aristobulus, who made the Jews to rebel,
   he  was  the first man that climbed the wall of a most strong citadel of
   Aristobulus.  Antony  drove him from all his strongholds. Then he fought
   with a few men of his and overthrew a great army and put them all to the
   sword,   except  a  few.  Also  Aristobulus  with  his  son,  was  taken
   prisoner.''

   4667.  Dio,  {Dio,  l.  39.}  incorrectly  wrote that Gabinius went into
   Palestine  and  captured  Aristobulus (who was fled from Rome and made a
   rebellion.) He sent him to Pompey and imposed a tax on the Jews. He went
   from there into Egypt to establish Ptolemy again in his kingdom.

   4668.  Tyrannio who was teaching in Cicero's house, orderly arranged his
   library  with  the  help  of Dionysius and Menophilus, who were two book
   binders that were sent him by Atticus. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 2.
   epist. 4. & ad Atticum. l. 4. epist 4. & 8.} This was Tyrannio Amisenus,
   who  (fourteen  years earlier) was taken by Lucullus and who became rich
   and  famous in Rome and accumulated about 30,000 books. {Suidas, in Voc.
   Tyrannio} Tyrannio had the books of Aristotle copied from the library of
   Sulla.  It  is  reported that Andronicus Rhodius received the copies and
   that  he published the copies that we now have. {Suidas, l. 13. p. 608.}
   {Plutarch, in Sulla}

   4669.  Valerius  produced  witnesses  of  the  help  of  M.  Cato in the
   administration of the business of Cyprus. {Valerius, l. 4. c. 3.}

   ``...Epirus,  Achaia,  the islands Cyclades, the sea coasts of Asia, the
   province  of  Cyprus.  When he undertook the charge of bringing away the
   money,  he took no bribes and handled the matter fairly. For although he
   had  the  king's  riches  in  his  own  power and the required places of
   lodging  on  his  trip  were  most  delightful  cities,  he behaved most
   discretely.  Munatius  Kusus,  his  faithful  companion  in that journey
   indicated as much in his writings.''

   4670.  Cato  feared a tedious journey and prepared various coffers, each
   of  which  held two talents and 500 drachmas. He tied each of these to a
   long rope and fastened at the end a large piece of cork. If the ship was
   sunk,  the cork would indicate the place. Thus was all the money, except
   for  a  very  little,  brought  very safely. Cato had made two books, in
   which  he  had  recorded  the accounts of all things that he had gotten.
   Philargyros,  a  free man of Cato, carried one of these books. He sailed
   from  Cencrea  and  was  drowned  with all his belongings. Cato took the
   other himself until he came to Corcyra. He stayed in the market place in
   his  tent.  The  soldiers  made  many  fires  because  of  the  cold and
   accidently  set the tents on fire. So Cato lost that book also. Although
   the  king's stewards might easily silence his enemies and detractors, it
   bothered  Cato  because  he had not kept these accounts to vindicate his
   fidelity  but  that  he  might  give  an example to others of diligence.
   {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

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3948b AM, 4658 JP, 56 BC

   4671.  Cato, with great diligence, travelled up the Tiber River in light
   boats that carried the riches of Cyprus as if they had been spoils taken
   from  an  enemy  and carried in a fleet. {Florus, l. 3. c. 4.} {Valerius
   Maximus,  l.  4. c. 1.} {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} This brought more
   money  to  the treasury of the people of Rome than any triumph. {Florus,
   l. 3. c. 4.}

   4672. When the news of Cato's arrival was known, all the magistrates and
   priests  along with the consuls, (one of which was L. Marcius Philippus,
   the  father  of  Marcia,  Cato's  wife) the whole senate and many of the
   people  went  to  the  river side to meet him. His arrival differed very
   little  from  the  show and splendour of a triumph. Notwithstanding, his
   insolence  was  observed  in this. He did not come ashore to the consuls
   and praetors that came to meet him, nor altered his course but sailed by
   the  shore  in  one of the king's galleys with six tiers of oars. He did
   not  come  ashore  until  he  came with his fleet to the place where the
   money  was  to  be  landed. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} Plutarch
   {Plutarch, Cato the Younger} stated that when he landed, the consuls and
   the  rest  of  the magistrates were ready to receive him all courtesies.
   They were more happy to see Cato safely home again than they were to see
   the vast sum of gold and silver the fleet had brought. {Valer. Maxim. l.
   8. c. ult.}

   4673.  As  the  money  was  carried through the market place, the people
   wondered  at the treasure which was far greater than they had hoped for.
   {Plutarch,  in  Cato  the  Younger}  Cato could not be accused by anyone
   because  he  gathered  together  many  slaves  and much money out of the
   king's  riches and had honestly turned over everything. Cato received no
   less  honour than if he had returned a conqueror from the wars. For many
   men  had allowed themselves to be corrupted with bribes but he caused it
   to  be  accounted  a  rarer  virtue  to despise money than to conquer an
   enemy. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4674.  Pliny  stated  that  Cato brought back with him from this Cyprian
   expedition,  a  philosopher.  {Pliny,  l. 7. c. 30.} Cato had the senate
   grant  Nicias,  the  king's  steward, his freedom. Cato testified to his
   fidelity and diligence. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} Clodius intended
   that those slaves who were brought from Cyprus, should be called Clodian
   because  he  had  sent  Cato  there.  Cato  opposed this and Clodius was
   thwarted.  Therefore  they  were called Cyprian for Cato would not allow
   them  to be called Porcian, although some were of that opinion. {Dio, l.
   39.}

   4675.  Clodius  was  angry  with  Cato  because  he  had opposed him and
   calumniated  the service that he had done and demanded an account of his
   deeds.  He  did  not  think  he  could accuse Cato of any unjust act but
   because  he  thought it would make something for him that almost all the
   records  were  lost  in  the  shipwreck.  Caesar  helped Clodius in this
   business  although  he  was absent and (as some report) sent accusations
   against Cato to Clodius by letters. {Dio, l. 39} However, Cato told them
   that  he  had  brought  as  much  money  from Cyprus although he had not
   received  so  much as one horse or soldier as Pompey had brought from so
   many  wars and triumphs when all the world was in turmoil. {Plutarch, in
   Cato the Younger}

   4676.  Cato  opposed  Cicero who insisted that none of those things that
   Clodius  had  done in his tribuneship should be confirmed in the senate.
   He  did not do this as a favour for Clodius but because that among other
   acts  that  should  be revoked was his commission for Cyprus because the
   tribune  that  sent  him  was  unlawfully chosen. {Plutarch, in Cato the
   Younger, in Cicero}

   4677.  Phraates  the  second  was  wickedly put to death by his sons and
   Orodes  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom  of  the Parthians. His brother
   Mithridates  was expelled from Media where he governed according to Dio.
   {Dio. l. 39.} The sons contended for the kingdom and it seems Orodes was
   first  banished  and after him Mithridates also. However, Surenas a rich
   man  and  one  among the Parthians next the king in blood and authority,
   brought  Orodes  back  again  from banishment. It was his prerogative by
   birth  that  he  should  always  crown the new king of the Parthians. He
   subdued  Seleucia  the  great to the king's power. Surenas was the first
   man  that  scaled  the  walls and defeated with his own hands those that
   defended it. Although he was not as yet thirty years old, he was held in
   esteem  for  his advice in council and his wisdom, for they report these
   things  of  him.  {Plutarch,  in Crassus} {Appian, in Parthicis, p. 140,
   141.}  However  Appian, both in {Appian, Parthicis, p. 134, Syriacis, p.
   120.}  states  that at another time that Mithridates was driven from his
   kingdom  by his brother Orodes. Although Justin noted {Justin, l. 42. c.
   4.} that Mithridates was deposed from his kingdom for his cruelty by the
   Parthian  nobility  and  that his brother Orodes seized the kingdom when
   the throne was vacant. Although Justin very incorrectly there makes this
   Mithridates  the same with Mithridates the king of the Parthians to whom
   his   famous  acts  gave  him  the  surname  of  "Great".  Between  this
   Mithridates  the Great and he who was the brother of Orodes, there was a
   various  succession of many kings among the Parthians. This appears from
   the very prologue of the 42nd book of Trogus Pompey, an epitome of which
   Justin has given us.

   4678.  Mithridates  was  driven  from his kingdom either by the Parthian
   nobility  or  his brother Orodes, and came to Gabinius, the proconsul of
   Syria  when  he was preparing for an expedition against the Arabians. He
   reasoned  so  with  Gabinus that he should let the Arabians alone and go
   against  the  Parthians and help to restore him to his kingdom. {Appian,
   in Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthicis, p. 134.} {Dio, l. 39.}

   4679.  On  the  ides  of May (which happened in the Julian February) the
   letters  of Gabinius were read in full to senate concerning the war that
   he  had  with  the greatest countries and tyrants of Syria, (under whose
   name,  the  princes  of  Judea, Commagena, Chalcis, Emesa, Thrachonitis,
   Batanea,  and  Abilene,  are usually called) but they were not believed.
   The  senate  denied  him  the  triumph  he  wanted  at Rome. {Cicero, ad
   Quintum,  l.  1. fratr. epist. 7, Orat. de provincis consularibus, in L.
   Pisonem}

   4680.  When Gabinius had sent Aristobulus the king and his sons to Rome,
   the  senate  kept  him prisoner but sent his sons immediately back again
   into  Judea  because  they  understood  by Gabinius' letters that he had
   promised  his  mother  this for the delivery of the citadels. {Josephus,
   Wars,  l.  1.  c. 6. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.} Josephus further added that
   Aristobulus  held  the  kingdom  and  priesthood for three years and six
   months.  The  Arabian collector of the Jewish History, (set forth by the
   same  man at the end of the Parisian Bibles of many languages in c. 40.)
   understood  it  of  the time of the former government until he was taken
   prisoner for the first time. However it seems rather to be understood of
   that  former  and this later time both taken together so that he reigned
   three  years  and  three  months before the former captivity, {Josephus,
   Antiq. l. 20. c. 8.} and before his second captivity, three months also.

[Soldier4Christ]

4681.  M.  Cicero,  in  the  speech  before  the  senate, "de Provinciis
   Consularibus", advised that L. Piso and A. Gabinius (in whose consulship
   he  was banished) might be recalled and their provinces of Macedonia and
   Syria  would  be  assigned  to  the future consuls. He objected to these
   things among others against Gabinius.

   ``When he was governor in Syria nothing was done but some work for money
   with  the tyrants, confiscations, plundering, thieveries and murders. As
   the general of the people of Rome, when his army was in battle array, he
   stretched  out  his  right  hand  and  exhorted not his soldiers to gain
   honour  but  cried  that  all things were by him already bought or to be
   bought.  Now  he  has  delivered the wretched publicans into slavery, to
   Jews and Syrians, countries that were themselves born to slavery. He has
   continued  in  this that he will not do justice to a publican but he had
   revoked all agreements made between them without any wrong done by them.
   He  had  taken away all watches, he had freed those who paid tribute and
   many  pensioners.  In  whatever  town  he was in or wherever he went, he
   forbid any publican or publican's servant to be there.''

   4682.  Gabinius  had  afflicted Syria with many wrongs and had done more
   wrong  to  the  province  than  the thieves who were very strong at that
   time.  However,  he  accounted all this gain that he had gotten but very
   little  and  therefore  planned  an expedition against the Parthians and
   made preparation for that journey. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4683.  Pompey made Archelaus, the friend of Gabinius, the high priest of
   the  Comani  in  Pontus. (See note on 3940 AM << >>) He was living there
   with  Gabinius  and  he  hoped  that  he  should be his companion in the
   Parthian  wars  that he was preparing for but the senate would not allow
   it. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17. p. 796.}

   4684.  Gabinius  led  his  army  against  the  Parthians and crossed the
   Euphrates River. Ptolemy came with letters from Pompey and promised that
   he  would  give a huge sum of money to Gabinius and his army, part to be
   paid  now  and  part  when he was restored to his kingdom. It was 10,000
   talents  that  Ptolemy  promised  Gabinius  as confirmed by Plutarch and
   Cicero. {Cicero, in his Oration for Gabinius Posthumous} Cicero reckoned
   the sum to be 2,160,000 sestertiums. Most of the commanders were against
   it  and Gabinius was hesitant to do it also although he would have liked
   to  have lightened Ptolemy of those 10,000 talents. However, Antony, who
   was  covetous  of  doing great matters and desirous to gratify Ptolemy's
   request,  was  very ready to go and persuaded Gabinius to undertake this
   war.  The  law forbid any provincial governor to go beyond the bounds of
   their  own  government  nor  undertake  any war on their own initiative.
   Based on the oracle of Sibyll's verses, the people of Rome had forbidden
   the  restoration  of  Ptolemy  at all. The more he knew it was wrong the
   more  he  viewed  the potential gains in wealth. Hence, he abandoned the
   Parthian   expedition  and  he  undertook  the  expedition  against  the
   Alexandrians.  {Josephus,  Wars,  l.  1.  c.  6. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}
   {Plutarch,  in  Antony}  {Appian,  in  Syriacis. p, 120. & Parthicis. p.
   134.} {Dio, l. 39.}

   4685.  At  that time, Bernice, the daughter of Auletes, held the kingdom
   of  Egypt. She had sent for Seleucus from Syria, who as he said himself,
   was  of  the  stock  of the Syrian kings. She married him and made him a
   partner  in  the  rule  of  the  kingdom  and  of the war. He was a most
   repulsive  man,  (as  Suetonius describes him in Vespasiano. c. 19.) and
   was  surnamed in contempt, Ptolemy Cocces and Cybiosactes, "Changeling".
   He broke open the golden coffin that the body of Alexander the Great was
   buried  in  but did not profit by that thievery. When the queen saw that
   he  was  so  base  a  man, she strangled him within a few days since she
   could  no longer endure his sordidness and niggardliness. She looked for
   another husband of royal extraction. Some friends brought Archelaus, the
   high  priest  of the Comani, who was then in Syria. He pretended that he
   was  the  son  of Mithridates (under whom his father Archelaus had waged
   war against Sulla and the Romans.) She married him and deemed him fit to
   rule  the  kingdom under the same conditions that Seleucus did. He ruled
   the  kingdom  together  with her for six months. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 794,
   796. & l. 12. p. 558.} {Dio, l. 39.}

   4686.  C.  Clodius,  the brother of P. Clodius, obtained the province of
   Asia  through  P.  Clodius'  office as praetor (which Dio, {Dio, l. 39.}
   says  he  held  this  year.)  {Cicero,  ad  Attic,  l.  4. epist. 14} C.
   Scribonius  Curio  was  his  quaester in that province. Cicero sent many
   letters  to him which are still extant. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends,
   l. 2.}

[Soldier4Christ]

3949a AM, 4658 JP, 56 BC

   4687.  By  a  law  made  by  C.  Trebonius,  the  tribune of the people,
   provinces  were  assigned to the new consuls. Cn. Pompey was given Spain
   and  Africa and M. Licinius Crassus was assigned Syria with the adjacent
   countries. Power was given to both of them to take as many soldiers from
   Italy and from their allies as they wanted and to make peace or war with
   whom  they  wished.  {Livy, l. 105.} {Plutarch, in Crassus, Pompey, Cato
   the Younger} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 437. 438.} {Dio, l. 39.}

   4688.  As soon as Crassus had by lot obtained his province, he could not
   conceal  his  joy  and  supposed  that  nothing  better  could ever have
   happened  to  him.  He  would talk among his close friends so vainly and
   childishly  so  that  it was not becoming his age and wisdom. He planned
   the  conquest of Syria and Parthia and had vain hopes of even conquering
   the  Bactrians,  Indians  and  the eastern ocean. However, in the decree
   made by the people concerning his government, no mention was made of the
   Parthians  yet  all men knew that Crassus longed for that conquest. When
   Caesar  wrote  to him from Gaul, he commended his resolution and advised
   him to go on. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

   4689.  A.  Gabinius left his son, Sisenna, who was very young, with very
   few  soldiers.  This  exposed  the  province  which  he governed, to the
   actions  of  thieves.  He  went through Palestine to Egypt {Dio, l. 39.}
   against Archelaus whom the Egyptians had chosen to be their king. {Livy,
   l.  105.}  In this expedition he used his friends Hyrcanus and Antipater
   for all the things that were necessary for the war. Antipater helped him
   with money, arms, men and grain. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. Antiq., l.
   14. c. 10.}

   4690.  They came to cross through deep, dry, sandy places about the fens
   and  marshes of Solonis, which the Egyptians call the breath of Tyrphon.
   M.  Antony  was  sent  ahead  with  the  cavalry (whom Gabinius had made
   commander  of the cavalry even though he was very young.) {Appian, Civil
   War, l. 5. p. 676.} Antony took the pass and also the very large city of
   Pelusium. {Plutarch, in Antony} The Jews who inhabited Pelusium and were
   the  guards  of  the pass into Egypt, were drawn to his side. {Josephus,
   Wars, l. 1. c. 6. Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

   4691.  After the garrison of Pelusium was conquered, Antony made the way
   safe for the army and settled in a fair way the victory for the general.
   As soon as Ptolemy had gone into Pelusium, he was so inflamed with anger
   and hatred that he would have put all the Egyptians to the sword. Antony
   interceded and would not allow him to. {Plutarch, in Antony}

   4692.  When  Gabinius  had  marshalled  his army into two battalions, he
   marched from Pelusium and the same day routed the Egyptians that opposed
   him. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4693.  Cicero,  in  a  speech  that  he  made at Rome, extorted from the
   ignoble  king  of  the  Commagenians,  the  little  town Zeugma that was
   located  on  the  Euphrates River. He also spoke many things against him
   and  he  exposed him to ridicule by all men, the purple gown that he had
   gotten  when  Caesar was consul. {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., l. 2. epist.
   11.}

   4694.  On  the  ides of February (which happened on the Julian November)
   the  Tyrians were admitted into the senate and oposite them were many of
   the  Syrians  and  publicans. Gabinius was extremely upset. However, the
   publicans were chided by Domitius because they followed Gabinius' horse.
   (??) {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., l. 2. epist. 12.}

   3949b AM, 4659 JP, 55 BC

   4695.  About  the  month  of May (which happened on the Julian February)
   there  was  a  great  rumour at Puteoli that Ptolemy was in his kingdom.
   {Cicero,  ad Attic. l. 4. epist. 9.} He indeed was in Egypt and Gabinius
   had taken Archelaus who came out against him sooner than they thought he
   would.  So  there  was  no  more  business to be done. However, Gabinius
   feared  lest  having  done  nothing  he  should  receive less money from
   Ptolemy than was agreed upon. He also hoped that because Archelaus was a
   brave  man  and  of good reputation that he would receive more money. He
   had received a great sum of money from Archelaus and he let him go as if
   he had escaped from him. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4696.  M.  Antony had done many noble acts in the fights and battles. By
   this  he  showed  himself  a valiant and wise commander. He was honoured
   with  many  excellent gifts especially for his tactic of surrounding the
   enemy  from  the rear and by that means he gave the victory to them that
   were attacking from the front. {Plutarch, in Antony}

   4697.  The  people of Egypt marched from the walls of the city under the
   command  of  Archelaus  against Gabinius. Archelaus had ordered that the
   camp  should be fortified with a rampart and a ditch. They all cried out
   that  the  work  should  be  done with the public money. Therefore their
   minds  were  so  engrossed  with  pleasure, they could not withstand the
   attack  of  the  Roman army. {Valer. Maxim., l. 9. c. 1.} Gabinius again
   obtained  a  victory  by  sea  and land. The Alexandrians were brave and
   daring  and  by  nature  were heady and rash to speak anything that came
   into  their  minds.  However,  they were most unfit for war. Although in
   seditions  (which  happened often among them, and those were very great)
   they  soon  started to murder each other. They thought it good to die in
   this way. {Dio, l. 59.}

   4698.  When  Gabinius  had  conquered  them and killed many in the fight
   including  Archelaus, he was master of all Egypt which he turned over to
   Ptolemy.  {Dio, l. 59.} {Livy, l. 105.} {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17.
   p.  796.}  All  of  this  Cicero  mentions in a few words, in his speech
   against Piso and refers to the madness of Gabinius.

   ``That  vast wealth was now spent that he had drawn from the fortunes of
   the  publicans,  from the countries and cities of the allies. Part of it
   was  devoured  by  his  insatiable  lust, part by his new and unheard of
   luxury,  part  by the purchases that he had made in those places that he
   had  wholly  plundered,  part by bartering, and all for building up this
   mountain  of  Tuseuluni. When the intolerable building was stopped for a
   time,  he  sold to the Egyptian king, his fasces, the army of the people
   of Rome, in spite of the power and the threatening of the immortal gods,
   the  answer of the priests, the authority of the senate, the commands of
   the people for the fame and dignity of the empire. Whereas the bounds of
   his province were as great as he wanted, as great as he could desire, as
   great  as  he  could  buy  with  the  price of my life, yet could he not
   contain  himself  within them. He brought his army from Syria. How dared
   he  carry  it  from the province? He made himself a mercenary soldier to
   the  king  of  Alexandria and what was more vile than this? He came into
   Egypt  and  fought  with the Alexandrians. When had either the senate or
   the people undertaken this war? He took Alexandria. What could he expect
   more  from  his  madness  but  that  he would send letters to the senate
   telling of all the famous acts that he had done?''

[Soldier4Christ]

4699.  Dio  observed  that  he  did not send the letters lest he himself
   might be the witness of his own villainies.

   4700.  M.  Antony  contended for the body of the dead Archelaus (who was
   his  close  friend)  and gave it a royal burial. He was famous among the
   Alexandrians  for this deed. {Plutarch, in Antony} In Pontus, the son of
   Archelaus  received  the  priesthood  of  the  Commani after his father.
   {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558.}

   4701.  Gabinius  left  some  of his soldiers for a guard with Ptolemy at
   Alexandria.  These  later lived after the manner of the Alexandrian life
   and licentiousness. They forgot the name and discipline of the people of
   Rome  and  married  wives by whom they had many children. {Caesar, Civil
   War, l. 3.} Lucan adds: {Lucan, l. 10.}

   ----The  greater part were Latins born, But they, corrupted into foreign
   manners,  Did  so  forget  themselves,  they  did  not  scorn, To obey a
   sergeant,  follow a servant's banners, Whom the Pharian tyrants rule was
   much below.

   4702.  When  Ptolemy  was  restored  to his kingdom, he put to death his
   daughter,  the  queen  Bernice.  {Strabo,  l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.}
   {Porphyr.  in  Grac. Eusebian. Scaliger. p. 226.} He also killed many of
   the rich noblemen because he needed much money. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4703.  C.  Rabirius  Posthumous  was  a  Roman equestrian who had rashly
   trusted  Ptolemy  when  he  was in his kingdom and when he came to Rome.
   Ptolemy  left  with  his money and the money of his friends. In order to
   recover  the money, he was forced to change the Roman robe for the Greek
   robe  at  Alexandria.  He  had  to  undertake  there the proctorship and
   stewardship  for  the  king. He was made the king's overseer by Auletes.
   Notwithstanding,  he  was  later put in prison and saw many of his close
   friends  put  in  bonds and death was always before his eyes. At last he
   was  forced  to  flee  from the kingdom, naked and poor. {Cicero, pro C.
   Rabirius}

   4704. While Gabinius stayed in Egypt, Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
   again  seized  by force the government and made many of the Jews revolt.
   He  gathered  a  large  army  and foraged the country. He killed all the
   Romans  he found and besieged all those that fled to Mount Gerizim. When
   Gabinius returned, he sent Antipater who was known for his great wisdom,
   to  the  rebellious  Jews.  He  was  able  to make many submit to him in
   obedience.  However,  Alexander had with him 30,000 Jews and fought with
   Gabinius  near  the  Itabyr  Mountain.  The  Jews lost 10,000 men. After
   Gabinius  had  settled the affairs of Jerusalem by following Antipater's
   advice,  he  went  against the Nabateans whom he overcame in one battle.
   {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}

   4705. King Mithridates, the son of Phraates the second, was abandoned by
   Gabinius  and  did not recover the Parthian kingdom with the help of the
   Arabians.  (This was commonly believed from the incorrect interpretation
   of  the  words  of  Appian.  {Appian,  in Syriacis, p. 120.}) Rather, he
   retired  to  Babylon,  as  is  gathered  from  Justin. When his brother,
   Orodes,  had long besieged and finally, because of the famine, he forced
   the  city  to surrender. Mithridates trusted on the fact that he was his
   brother  and  surrendered to him. However, Orodes took him rather for an
   enemy  than  a  brother, and commanded him to be killed before his eyes.
   {Justin. l. 47 c. 4.}

   4706.  Gabinius  secretly sent back Mithridates and Orsanes who were men
   of renown among the Parthians and who had fled to him. He spread rumours
   among  the  soldiers  that  they had fled. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6.,
   Antiq., l. 14. c. 11.}

   4707.  The  Syrians  complained  very  much  about Gabinius. Among other
   things  that  because of his absence, they were grievously bothered with
   thieves.  The  publicans also complained, that by reason of the thieves,
   they  could  not  gather the tribute and were deeply in debt. The Romans
   were angry and determined to have the matter judged and were prepared to
   condemn  him.  Cicero  also  vehemently  accused Gabinius and was of the
   opinion  that  the  Sibyl's  oracles  should be read again. He convinced
   himself  that  there  was  some  punishment  determined  for him who had
   violated  the  oracles. However, both Pompey and Crassus, who was one of
   the  consuls, favoured Gabinius. Pompey favoured him of his own will. He
   did  this  to gratify his colleague and also for the money that Gabinius
   had sent. Since both of them publicly defended him, they allowed nothing
   to be decreed against him. They had Cicero banished. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4708.  In  his  second  consulship,  Pompey  dedicated  his  theatre  by
   exhibiting  most  magnificent plays and shows. {Cicero, de Offic. l. 2.,
   Letters  to  his  Friends,  l.  7.  epist.  1.,  Ascon. Pedian. in Orat.
   Pisonianam.} Although it was reported that this theatre was not built by
   Pompey  himself,  but  by  his freed man Demetrius, (who was a Gadarene)
   from  the money that he had obtained when he was a soldier under him. He
   gave  the  honour of this work to Pompey lest he should be ill spoken of
   that a freed man of his should get so much money and that he could spend
   so much. {Dio. l. 39.}

   4709.  Gabinius did not allow the lieutenant that was sent by Crassus to
   succeed him in the province of Syria. He kept it as if he had received a
   perpetual government. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4710.  The  tribunes  of  the  people hindered Crassus, the consul, from
   raising  any  soldiers  and endeavoured to make void the expedition that
   was  decreed  to  him. Crassus took up arms. The tribunes of the people,
   saw that their liberty was threatened and for lack of arms were helpless
   to  withstand  his actions. They stopped their actions but cursed him to
   the pit of hell. As Crassus went into the capitol to make his accustomed
   prayers  for  a prosperous journey, they told him what unlucky signs and
   prodigies had happened. {Dio, l. 39.}

[Soldier4Christ]

4711. Ateius, the tribune of the people, was prepared to hinder Crassus'
   departure  as  were many others who were offended that he should plan to
   make  war  against  men  that  were  at  peace  with  them  and who were
   confederates.  Crassus feared this and desired that Pompey would go with
   him  from  the  city  for Pompey was held in high esteem with the common
   people. Although many were prepared to hinder Crassus, yet when they saw
   Pompey  go  ahead  of  him with a pleasant and smiling countenance, they
   held their peace and made a path for them. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

   4712.  When  Ateius,  the tribune, met Crassus, he forbade him to go any
   farther.  Then he ordered a sergeant to lay hold on him and carry him to
   prison. However, the rest of the tribunes would not allow it and Crassus
   got  outside  the  walls.  {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l. 39.} However,
   Ateius  ran  to the gate and there started a fire. As Crassus passed by,
   he cast in perfumes and made sprinklings over it and pronounced horrible
   curses  and  called  on  the terrible and strange names of the gods. The
   Romans thought these secret and ancient exhortations to be of such force
   that  he  that  was  so  cursed could not escape their power nor he that
   cursed anyone would ever prosper. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

   4713.  Florus {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} wrote that Metellus, the tribune of
   the  people, made hostile curses on Crassus when he started his journey.
   Velleius  Paterculus {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46.} stated that all
   the  tribunes  of the people cursed Crassus. Appian, {Appian, Civil War,
   l. 2. p. 438.} and Dio {Dio, l. 39.} noted:

   ----The  tribunes  so  ill  befriended Crassus, with curses he his march
   attended.

   4714.  Lucan  {Lucan, l. 3.} said that P. Ateius mainly pronounced those
   curses  and  set  a  sign before him and warned him of what would happen
   unless he took heed. Cicero, {Cicero, de divinatione., l. 1.} from whose
   house  Crassus  left  for the province, for Cicero had dined with him in
   the  gardens  of  his  son-in-law  Crassippes.  {Cicero,  Letters to His
   Friends, l. 1. epist. 9.} From there Cicero went to Tusculanum about the
   middle  of  November  (which  happened on the Julian August) and Crassus
   went  on his journey clad in his armour. {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 4. epist.
   12.} At Brundusium, Crassus shipped his army. {Cicero, de divine, l. 2.}

   4715.  Crassus sailed from Brundusium before the storms were over on the
   seas  and  he lost many of his ships. He landed his army from those that
   survived  and  he  marched  by  land  through  Galatia.  He  found  King
   Dejotarus, a very old man, building a new city and mocked him by saying:

   ``Do you begin to build in the afternoon?''

   4716. The king smilingly answered:

   ``Truly  I  think, O General, you do not go against the Parthians in the
   morning!''

   4717. Crassus was older than 60 and his face made him seem older than he
   was. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

   3950a AM, 4659 JP, 55 BC

   4718. Cicero very earnestly defended the cause of Crassus in his absence
   against the new consuls and many that had been consuls. {Cicero, Letters
   to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 8.}

   3950b AM, 4660 JP, 54 BC

   4719.  Crassus  had  not much to do in Syria, for the Syrians were quiet
   and  those  that  had troubled Syria were afraid of the power of Crassus
   and did not stir. Crassus undertook an expedition against the Parthians.
   There  was  no  reason for making war upon them, only that he heard that
   they  were  rich. He hoped that Orodes, who now reigned, would easily be
   overcome. {Dio, l. 40.}

   4720.  When  he  heard  of  the riches of the temple of Jerusalem, which
   Pompey  had  left  untouched, he turned aside into Palestine and came to
   Jerusalem and took away the riches. {Oros. l. 6. c. 13.}

   4721.  In  the  temple  was  a wedge of solid gold, weighing 3000 Hebrew
   pounds  or  750 common pounds. It was enclosed in an hollow beam of wood
   on  which  they  hung  the hangings of the temple which were admired for
   their  beauty  and  esteem. Eleazar, a priest, who was the keeper of the
   sacred  treasure, only knew about this. When he saw Crassus so greedy in
   gathering  up  the  gold,  he  feared  lest  he should take away all the
   ornaments  of  the  temple.  He  turned over to him the golden beam as a
   ransom for all the rest. He first bound him by an oath that he would not
   take  anything else. In spite of this, Crassus took this and immediately
   broke  his  oath and took from the temple 2000 talents, which Pompey had
   not  touched  as  well as all the rest of the gold which tallied to 8000
   Attic  talents.  Josephus  tried  to  prove  the existence of these vast
   riches  for  he  was  persuaded that it would scarcely be believed among
   people  of other counties. He cites the historical writings of Strabo of
   Cappadocia which are now lost and from others that there was found there
   in  olden  times  gold sent from the Jews that lived in Europe, Asia and
   Cyrene. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 12.}

[Soldier4Christ]

4722.  Crassus  built  a  bridge over the Euphrates River and easily and
   safely  crossed  the  river with his army. He controlled many towns that
   voluntarily  yielded  to him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} They did not expect
   Crassus' arrival so that there was scarcely any established garrisons in
   all of Mesopotamia. {Dio, l. 40.}

   4723.  Talymenus  Ilaces  (or  Syllaces)  the  governor of that country,
   fought  with Crassus with a few cavalry and was defeated. He was wounded
   and  retired  to the king and informed him of the expedition of Crassus.
   {Dio, l. 40.}

   4724.  In  the meantime, Crassus recovered many cities, especially those
   that  belonged  to  the  Greeks  including  Nicephorium. For many of the
   inhabitants  of  the Macedonians and Greeks who served in the wars under
   the  Macedonians  feared  the tyranny of the Parthians. They hoped for a
   better  deal  from  the Romans and Crassus knew the Greeks favoured Rome
   and they very willingly revolted from the Parthians. {Dio, l. 40}

   4725.  Only  the  citizens of Zenodotia, where Apollonius was the ruler,
   killed  an  hundred  Roman  soldiers. They had allowed them within their
   walls  as  if they meant to surrender to them. Thereupon Crassus brought
   his  whole  army  there and captured the city. He sacked it and sold the
   inhabitants  because  of  this outrage. Although this was Crassus' first
   encounter  with an enemy, he allowed himself to be called "imperator" or
   captain general. This turned out to his disgrace and to be thought of as
   a  lowly  man  as  if he did not hope for any great matters since he was
   puffed up with so small a success. {Dio, l. 40} {Plutarch, in Crassus}

   4726.  Gabinius  returned  into  Italy  when  Domitius  and  Appius were
   consuls.  {Ascon.  Pedian.  in init. orat. Pisonian.} These same consuls
   were  there again and gave judgment against Gabinius when he was absent.
   Although Pompey stood very earnestly for him, the opinion of many of the
   judges  was  against him. For Domitius was an enemy to Pompey, by reason
   of  the dispute about the demanding of the consulship and because he had
   taken  that office against his good will. Although Appias was a relative
   of Pompey, he planned that by flattering the people, he hoped that if he
   made  any  move, he would be bribed by Gabinius. To that end he directed
   all his actions. Therefore it was decreed that the Sibyl's verses should
   be read over again although Pompey was much against it. In the meantime,
   the  money  that was sent by Gabinius came to Rome. The money wrought so
   much  that Gabinius was sure not to suffer any great loss whether he was
   absent  or  present. For there was then such confusion at Rome that when
   Gabinius  had  but given part of that money to bribe the magistrates and
   some  of  the  judges, they did not want to bring the matter to justice.
   Others  had  learned  that  they  could be wicked with impunity and that
   money  easily  bought  "justice"  and  removed the threat of punishment.
   {Dio, l. 39.}

   4727.  On  the twelfth of October, (about the Julian July) Gabinius came
   into  the  city.  On the fourth of October, he entered the city by night
   {Cicero,  ad  Quint.  Fratr. l. 3. epist. 1.} for he was so tormented by
   his  conscience  for his ugly actions that it was late when he came into
   Italy.  He  came  by night into the city and dared not go out of his own
   house for many days. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4728.  Various  factions  accused  Gabinius. L. Lentulus, the son of the
   Flamen, accused him of treason. T. Nero, with various good men joined in
   this  accusation  along  with C. Memmius, the tribune of the people with
   Lucius Capito. After he was accused of treason, he appeared by the edict
   of  C. Alsius the praetor. He was almost trodden under foot by the great
   crowd and was hated by all the people. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3.
   epist. 1.}

   4729. On the tenth day after he came into the city, on which he ought to
   have  given an account of the number of the enemies and his soldiers, he
   was  quite  astonished  in  the  midst of a great multitude. Appius, the
   consul, accused him of treason. When his name was called he answered not
   a  word. When he wanted to leave, he was detained by the consuls and the
   publicans were brought in. He was accused on all sides. When he was most
   of  all  wounded  by the words of Cicero, he could not endure it. With a
   trembling  voice  Cicero  called him a banished man. All the senate rose
   against  him  with  a  shout  so  that  they came to him where he stood.
   Likewise  the  publicans  did  the  same with the similar shout and with
   violence.  On  the  sixth,  the  ides  of  October,  Memmius angrily put
   Gabinius before the people so that Calidius could not speak for him. The
   next  day,  there was a divination of Cato, the praetor's house, for the
   appointing of an accuser against Gabinius. They selected between Memmius
   or  T. Nero or C. and L. Antony, the sons of Marcus. {Cicero, ad Quintum
   Fratr., l. 3. epist. 2.}

   4730.  There  were  many  accusations  against  Gabinius  and  not a few
   accusers.  The  first  thing  that  was  debated  concerned the crime of
   restoring  Ptolemy  to his kingdom. Almost all the people flocked to the
   tribunal  and  they  had  often a mind to pull him in pieces, especially
   because Pompey was not there. Cicero had most sharply accused him. {Dio.
   l.  39.}  Cicero  {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3. epist. 2, 4.} denies
   that  he  accused him. He did this from fear of having any quarrels with
   Pompey or because he did not doubt that justice would be done whether he
   was  there or not, or he would be for ever disgraced if such an infamous
   guilty person should escape justice if he pleaded against him.

   ``I  was much delighted (said he in epist. 4.) with this moderation, and
   this  also  pleased me that, when I had sharply spoken both according to
   condolence  and  religion, the defendant said that if he might be in the
   city  that  he  would  give  me  satisfaction.  Neither  did  he  ask me
   anything.''

[Soldier4Christ]

4731. In the ninth epistle, Cicero stated:

   ``All  that  I did, I did with much gravity and unity as all were of the
   same  opinion.  I  neither  urged  it nor anything qualified it. I was a
   vehement witness. I did nothing else.''

   4732. In this trial for treason, Gabinius was very slow in answering and
   was  hated  by  all  kinds  of  men. Alsius was a sharp and good witness
   against  him.  Pompey  was very earnest to beg the judges to favour him.
   {Cicero.  ad  quintuus  Fratr.,  l.  3. epist. 3.} Gabinius said that he
   restored  Ptolemy for the good of the state because he was afraid of the
   fleet  of  Archelaus and because he thought the sea would be filled with
   pirates.  He said also that he might do it by law. {Cicero, in orat. pro
   Rabinio.  Posthumo.} The friends of Caesar and Pompey were very eager to
   help  him  and  said that the Sibyl referred to another king and another
   time.  They  pleaded  this  the  most because in the oracle there was no
   specific  punishment  mentioned.  {Dio,  l.  39.}  Lucius  Lentulus  was
   incredibly  young  to  be  a  prosecutor.  All said he was brought in on
   purpose  so  that  Gabinius  might win. In spite of this, there had been
   great  disputes  and intreaties by Pompey and a rumour of a dictatorship
   which  caused  much  fear.  Gabinius had not replied to Lucius Lentulus.
   When the judges gave their sentence, there were 32 who condemned him and
   38  who  absolved him. {Cicero, l. 4. epist. 1., ad Quintum Fratr. l. 3.
   epist. 4.}

   4733.  Dio {Dio, l. 39} stated that when Gabinius stood the trial for so
   high  crimes  that  he  gave  great sums of money. When he was absolved,
   there wanted but little. However, the people killed the judges. Gabinius
   was  brought  to  the judgment of the people by Memmius and freed by the
   intercession  of  Laelius,  the  tribune of the people. Valerius Maximus
   {Valerius Maximus, l. 8. c. 1.} stated what happened. A. Gabinius in the
   midst of his infamy, was subjected to trial of the people by C. Memmius,
   his  accuser.  It  seemed  as  if  all his hopes were dashed because the
   accusation  was  fully  proved and his defence was very weak. Those that
   judged  him, through a rash anger, were very desirous to punish him. The
   lictor  and prison were always before his eyes. All this was thwarted by
   the  intervention of a propitious fortune. Sisenna, the son of Gabinius,
   through  the  mere  impulsion of amazement, fell humbly prostrate before
   Memmius.  From  there  he  hoped  for some assuaging of the storm at its
   source.  Memmius,  the  insolent  conqueror,  rejected  him with a stern
   countenance  and  took  his  ring  from his finger and let it lie on the
   ground  a  great  while. This spectacle was the reason that Laelius, the
   tribune  of the people, ordered that Gabinius be dismissed. We may learn
   by  this  example, neither insolently to abuse the success of prosperity
   nor that anyone ought to be too much cast down by adversity.

   4734.  In spite of this acquittal, Gabinius was on trial again for other
   reasons  and that he had wrongfully extorted 100,000 (either drachmas or
   pence)  from the province. He was condemned of extortion. Pompey who was
   gone  from  the city to provide grain, (for much grain was ruined by the
   flooding  of  the  Tiber  River)  was  still  in Italy. He hurried to be
   present  at  the trial but when he saw that he came too late, he did not
   leave the suburbs until the trial was finished. Pompey called the people
   together outside the walls of the city, (because it was not lawful for a
   proconsul  to  come  into  the  city) and spoke to them on the behalf of
   Gabinius.  He  read to them the letters that he had received from Caesar
   concerning  the  safety  of  Gabinius.  He used many intreaties with the
   judges.  He  prevented  Cicero  from  prosecuting Gabinius and persuaded
   Cicero  to  defend him! However, all these things did not help Gabinius.
   The  judges  condemned  him partly for the fear of the people and partly
   because they had not received any large bribes from Gabinius, (who being
   accused for small wrongs did not bestow much money and surely thought he
   would  be  freed.)  They  condemned  him  to banishment and Caesar later
   restored him and brought him back. {Dio, l. 39.}

   4735.  Cicero, (Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus) acknowledged that he did
   very  earnestly  defend Gabinius after that they became friends who were
   formerly  great  enemies.  Although this favour is commended by Valerius
   Maximus,  {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 2.} Dio confirmed, that Cicero was
   branded with the name and crime of a renegade. Truly Marcus Cicero quite
   forgot  what  he had previously written to his brother Quintus. {Cicero,
   l. 3. epist. 5.}

   ``I  would be ruined if I had defended Gabinius as Pansa thought I ought
   to have done.''

   4736.  Although  he {Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus}, gives this account
   of his actions:

   ``The  renewing  of  our  friendship  was  the  reason  that  I defended
   Gabinius.  Neither  does  it  ever grieve me to have a mortal hatred and
   immortal friendship.''

   4737.  Timagenes,  the  Alexandrian (or the Egyptian, according to some)
   was  the  son  of  the  king's treasurer. He was captured in the war and
   brought  to  Rome  by  Gabinius.  He was redeemed by Faustus, the son of
   Sulla, and taught rhetoric at Rome, under Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the
   triumvirs and wrote many books. {Suidas in Timagenhj}

[Soldier4Christ]

4738. When Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, the proconsul of Cilicia
   had done well in the war, his army greeted him as "imperator" or captain
   general. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 8, 9.}

   3951a AM, 4660 JP, 54 BC

   4739.  About the end of his term as consul, Appius Claudius Pulcher, the
   senate  decreed he was to replace to P. Cornelius Lentulus. This law was
   not  ratified by the people and he went into Cilicia at his own expense.
   {Cicero,  Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 9., ad Quintum fratr., l.
   3.  epist. 2., ad Attic. l. 4. epist 56.} Lentulus went to meet him when
   he came into the province. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist.
   7.}  When  Appius took over the command, he most miserably afflicted the
   province and almost destroyed it. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 16, l.
   6. epist. 1.}

   4740.  Crassus  should  have followed up his initial successes he had in
   first  taking  the places in Mesopotamia with the full force of his army
   and  made  good  use  of  the fear the barbarians of him. He should have
   attacked Babylon and Seleucia which were cities that were always enemies
   to  the  Parthians.  Instead  he  was  weary of being in Mesopotamia and
   longing after the ease and idleness in Syria. He gave the Parthians time
   to prepare for war and occasions for attacking those Roman soldiers that
   were left in Mesopotamia. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l. 40.}

   4741.  He  had  placed garrisons in those cities that had surrendered to
   him.  These amounted to 7000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry. He returned
   to  Syria  to winter there. His son, P. Crassus, came to him from Julius
   Caesar  from  Gaul,  who  had  bestowed  upon him such gifts as generals
   usually  do.  He  brought  with him a 1000 choice cavalry. {Plutarch, in
   Crassus}

   4742.  Crassus  spent his time in Syria more like a publican than like a
   general.  He  did  not  spend  his  time in getting arms or training his
   soldiers.  Instead he tallied up the revenues of the cities and for many
   days  was  weighing  and  measuring  the  treasures  of  the  goddess of
   Hierapolis.  He  also  demanded  soldiers  from  various people and then
   discharged  them  for  a  sum  of  money. These actions brought him into
   contempt.  As  they  were  going  from  the  temple  of  the  goddess of
   Hierapolis,  the young Crassus fell on the threshold and his father fell
   on top of him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Hierapolis is that city which some
   call  Bambyce, others Edessa and the Syrians, Magog. The Syrian goddess,
   Atargatis,  called by the Greeks, Derceto, was worshipped here. {Strabo,
   l. 16. p. 748.} {Pliny, l. 5. c. 23.}

   4743.  Rabitius  Posthumus  was  accused  before  the  judges of treason
   because  he  followed  Ptolemy  to Alexandria for the money that he owed
   him.  {Sueton,  in  Claudia,  c.  16.}  After  Gabinius was condemned of
   extortion  and gone into banishment, C. Memmius accused Rabirius because
   the  king  made him his "dioecetes" or treasure. He had wore the clothes
   of Alexandria and had gathered money from the tributes which was imposed
   by Gabinius and himself. Cicero defended when it was very cold. This may
   be deduced from his speech which is still extant.

   3951b AM, 4661 JP, 53 BC

   4744. M. Crassus and his son Publius were killed and the army was routed
   and  perished  with  shame  and  disgrace  beyond  the  Euphrates River.
   {Cicero.  de  divinatione,  l. 2.} Dio mentions this defeat {Dio, l. 40}
   but  Plutarch treats it more fully. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Appian copied
   Plutarch word for word in his writings. {Appian, de Parthicis} Therefore
   it  will  be worth the work to record the main parts of this most famous
   history, taken from these accounts as Salianus has done.

 

4745. Orodes, the king of the Parthians, sent ambassadors to Syria to Crassus. They were find out why Mesopotamia was invaded and demand the reasons why he started this war. Orodes also sent Surana with an army to recover those places that had been taken or revolted. He personally made an expedition into Armenia, least Artabazes the son of Tigranes, who reigned there and was afraid of his own Kingdom, would send any help to the Romans. {Dio, l. 40.}

4746. The ambassadors of Orodes came to Crassus in Syria as he was drawing his forces from of their winter quarters, (although Florus relates that this was done in Mesopotamia when Crassus was camped at Nicephorium.) The reminded him of the league that they had made with Pompey and Sulla and by this declared to him that if this army was sent against the Parthians by the people of Rome that then they would have no peace with the Romans. If Crassus had brought this war against the Parthians for his own private gain and had seized his cities, then their king would use him more favourably considering Crassus' old age and he would send back his soldiers to the people of Rome. Crassus was blinded by the king's treasures and did not reply nor did he pretend to excuse the war. Crassus said that he would answer them at Seleucia. {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l 40.} Then Vageses, the chief of the ambassadors, smiled, and struck the palm of his right hand with the fingers of his left and said that hairs would sooner grow there then that Crassus would see Seleucia. So the ambassadors returned and told King Orodes that he must prepare for war.

[Soldier4Christ]

4747. In the meantime, certain soldiers who had been left in garrison in Mesopotamia, barely escaped with great danger and brought Crassus news. The told of the approach formidable multitude of the Parthians, what kind of weapons they used and how they fought. They spoke from experience! This so discouraged the Romans that some of the captains were of opinion that Crassus should stay and hold a council, about the whole business. Cassius, the treasurer of Crassus was one who urged this. The soothsayers also tried to deter him but Crassus would not listen to any of them.

4748. Crassus was mainly by Artabazes, the king of the Armenians, who came into his camp with 6000 cavalry who were said to be the king's own guard. He promised him another 10,000 men at arms, and 30,000 foot soldiers whom he would pay. He also persuaded Crassus that he should invade Parthia through Armenia and that he would abundantly supply his army. The march that way would be safer because of the unevenness of the country and so not so much in danger of the large numbers of Parthian cavalry. Crassus neglected this most wise counsel and thanked the Armenian. He sent him back and told him that he would march through Mesopotamia where he had left many good soldiers of the Romans.

4749. When he came to Zeugma, on the bank of Euphrates River, he ignored many bad prodigies which Plutarch and Dio mentioned. The main one was this, as it is noted in Julius Obsequens, in his book of prodigies. He stated that:

``A sudden wind snatched the standard from the standard bearer, and it sank in the water. A sudden darkness of the sky that fell and hindered their crossing.''

4750. In spite of this Crassus was determined to go on. Florus, {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} stated this:

``When the army had passed Zonguia, sudden whirlwind threw the standard into Euphrates River where it sank.''

4751. Crassus also ignored the council of Cassius. He advised him that he should refresh his army in some of the cities where he had a garrison, until he heard some definite news of the Parthians. Otherwise, he should march along the river to Seleucia and so the ships would supply him with food and would follow the camp. The river would keep the enemy from surrounding him.

4752. As Crassus was considering these things, Auganus or Abgarus Osroenus dissuaded him from this good advice. He is correctly named by Dio. Florus {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} called him Mazares the Syrian and the copies of the Breviary of Sextus Rufus vary. He was called Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus and also Abgarus. In Plutarch, he was called Ariamnes, a captain of the Arabians. Although in some copies of Plutarch and in those from which the Parthica of Appian are taken, he is called Acbarus. This man was formerly in league with the Romans in Pomepy's time but now followed the Parthians. Although he was on the Parthian's side, he pretended that he was a good friend to Crassus and liberally gave much money to him. He found out all Crassus' plans and told them to the Parthians. When Crassus was determined to march to Seleucia, and from there to go to the city of Ctesiphon, Auganus persuaded Crassus that he follow that plan because it would take too long. Instead, he should lead his army directly against Sillax and Surena, two of Orodes his captains. (He would leave Euphrates River behind him which was his only supply line and fortification for him.)

4753. He then led his army through a vast sandy desert plain that lacked water and any green herb. Crassus began to suspect treason, especially when Artabazes sent ambassadors to him and told him that he could send him no forces because he was fighting a major war for Orodes had now wasted the country of the Armenians. He very earnestly advised Crassus to come into Armenia and to join forces with him that together they might fight with Orodes. If he was not pleased to do this then he should be sure to avoid those places that were most suitable for cavalry. Crassus angrily rejected this advice and did not write to the king. He told them that he had no time to think about Armenia but that on his return he would punish Armenian for its treachery. Abgarus left immediately before his treachery was discovered. He had persuaded Crassus that he might surround the enemies and rout them.

4754. They had not gone far when a few scouts returned (for the rest were killed by the enemy) and told them that there were huge forces, who courageously marched on toward them. At this Crassus was astonished and all the army was paralysed with fear. Crassus at the first followed Cassius' advice and set his battle formation wide. Presently he changed his mind, and he contracted his forces and made it square and deep. He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius and the other to his son C. Publius. He led the battle in the middle. As soon as they came to the Balissus River, most of the commanders tried to persuade him to camp and to lodge there all night. In the meantime, they should send scouts to see what forces the enemy had and how they were armed. Crassus ignored this good advice because his son and some of his cavalry were eager for a fight. So he commanded them that would eat and drink. They should do it standing and keep their ranks. Before this could be done by all, he marched on with a disorderly march, not in formation and quietly until the enemies were seen.

4755. Surenas did not show all his forces at first nor the brilliance of their arms. He placed his troops in a convenient place to terrify the Romans. When they tried with their lances to make the Romans break rank, they could not. As soon as they saw the depth of the Roman forces and that the soldiers kept their ranks, they retired. When they seemed to be in disorder, they surrounded the Romans before the Romans realised it. After Crassus commanded his light cavalry to attack them, they had not marched very far when they were showered with arrows and were forced to retire to the main body of troops. This was the beginning of the fear and disorder of the Romans especially when they saw the force of the weapons that broke through everything and caused many nasty wounds.

4756. The Parthians left them and began to shoot with their arrows on every side at the whole body of the army. No arrow fell in vain. They hit with so great a force that it made either an horrible wound or most commonly resulted in death. The Parthians continued shooting even when they withdrew from the Romans. The Romans were encouraged that when they had shot all their arrows, then the battle would be fought by hand to hand combat. However, they soon knew that there were many camels loaded with arrows from which they that had first shot all their arrows, went to get more. Crassus began to despair and knew that there would be no end of their shooting until they were all killed with their arrows. Thereupon, he ordered his son to endeavour by all means to join battle with the enemy before they were surrounded.

4757. The young Crassus took with him 1300 cavalry (1000 of which he had received from Caesar), 500 archers, and eight ensigns of the next footmen who had bucklers. He charged the Parthians who fled on purpose to draw him a good way off from his father. Then they turned around and shot them through with their arrows on every side. Publius, (whom Orosius commended as a most famous and excellent young man, {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13., Eutropius, l. 6.}) commanded a gentleman to thrust him through the side because he could not use his hand that was shot through. Censorinus, a senator and orator is said to have died in a similar way. Magabacchus, who was valiant man both in body and mind, thrust himself through, as did the rest of the nobility. The rest fled to an hill and were killed in the fight by the spears of the Parthians. There were 500 said to be taken prisoners.

4758. They cut off Publius' head and marched toward Crassus who was expecting the return of his son during the time the enemy did not press them so hard. However, messenger came upon messenger and said that Publius was totally defeated unless he was immediately helped with a very strong force. Crassus planned to march with the whole army when the enemies came upon him. They made a terrible noise and had become more fierce because of the victory. They brought the head of his son upon a spear. That spectacle broke the hearts of the Romans, in spite of Crassus' endeavours to encourage his men to wipe the joy from the enemy of their victory and to revenge their cruelty. The battle was renewed but the Romans were wounded on every side again with their arrows. Many died miserably. For those who desperately thought that they might escape the arrows, charged with large lances the enemy who were forced into a small area. With one thrust, they struck through two bodies. This continued as night approached and the Parthians retired. They bragged that they would allow Crassus one night to bemoan his son.