THE ANNALS THE WORLD

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4239. Triarius came with his 23 ships and 20 Rhodian ships. He sailed with this fleet to Pontus. He notified Cotta of his arrival who drew up his army to the walls of the city and Triarius showed himself at sea. Thereupon the Heracleans were somewhat troubled at Triarius' sudden arrival with his fleet and put to sea with 30 ships. They were not as well manned as they should have been since all the other men were used in defending the city against the enemy's assaults. The Rhodians first attacked the Heraclean ships and 3 Rhodian's ships and 5 of the Heraclean's were sunk. Thereupon the Romans came into the battle. Although they were soundly defeated in the battle, they did more harm than they received from the enemy. At the end, they routed the Heracleans and forced them to retreat back to the city with the loss of 14 of their ships. The conquering fleet rode into the great port and Cotta withdrew his foot soldiers from storming the town. (Memnon. c. 52.)

4240. Every day Triarius' men made their sallies from the port to hinder supplies from coming to the besieged. There was such a shortage of food in the city that a bottle of grain was sold for 80 attics. To make matters worse, a pestilence broke out among them that may have been caused by unhealthy air or a poor diet. They all did not die in the same way but appeared to suffer from different diseases. Lamachus' pangs of death were more violent and tedious than any of the others. This disease raged most among the soldiers of the garrison so that 1000 of the 3000 soldiers died. (Memnon c. 52.)

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4241. Conacorix was now ready to betray the city to the Romans because of the siege. To buy his own safety, he made the Heracleans pay for it. Damopheles, an Heraclean, helped to effect the plot. He was a great rival with Lamachus in all matters and after Lamachus' death, he was appointed over the garrison. Conacorix did not trust Cotta who was a devious man but told the matter to Triarius. Damopheles was also anxious to complete the matter and arrived at a fair bargain for the surrender. The conspirators thought themselves safe and went about their work. It happened that the conspirators' business became public knowledge. Thereupon citizens came together and called for the governor of the city and then for Brithagoras who was an eminent person of authority among his country men. They earnestly asked Conacorix that he would secure their safety too from Triarius. He was very much opposed to this but he very craftily led the Heracleans on with this flattering words for a while. (Memnon. c. 53.)

4242. Thereupon in the dead of the night, Conacorix shipped all his men and left the town. This was the agreement he had made with Triarius that they would march away quietly with all their baggage. Damopheles opened the gates and let in the Roman army with Triarius. Some of them came rushing in at the gate and others clambered up the walls. When the Heracleans saw that they were betrayed, some of them surrendered and the rest were killed. They plundered their household goods and whatever things they had laid aside in hopes of saving. Indeed; the enemy acted very cruelly against the citizens, for the Romans remembered what great losses they had received in the recent navel battle and what great trouble they had in assaulting the town. In revenge, they did not spare those who had escaped for sanctuary to the consecrated places. They slew them near the altars and the temples even though they begged for mercy. Their condition seemed so desperate, that many escaped over the walls and dispersed themselves about the country while others were forced to flee to Cotta. (Mennon. c. 53.)

4243. Cotta was told by those that fled to him that the city was taken and many men were killed and the town was plundered. He was upset by this news and in a very great indignation he marched as fast as he could to the city. His army was also very deeply discontented because they had lost the glory of their valiant achievements and were cheated of all their plunder. Thereupon, they attacked most fiercely Triarius' men and outdid one another by killing each other. When Triarius heard of the rebellion, he put an end to the battle by pacifying Cotta with good words and promised faithfully an equal share of all the plunder they had taken in the town. (Memnon. c. 53.)

4244. Cotta was told that Conacorix had seized Teium and Amastus and immediately sent Triarius to recover their cities again from his hands. Cotta stayed at Heraclea and took into his custody those that surrendered themselves and the prisoners. He went on to other matters. All his administration was done very cruelly. He searched up and down in every corner for the wealth of the city. He did not spare the consecrated things. He took down the statues and images even the very good ones and had a good number of them. He carried Hercules from the market place and ripped off his ornaments from the pyramid and various other things from the temple and city that were every bit as rare and beautiful as they. These he put on his ships. For his farewell, he ordered his soldiers to bring fire and they burnt the city in many places. Thus was Heraclea taken and subdued after withstanding a 2 year siege. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4245. Triarius arrived at the cities assigned him by Cotta and recovered them when they surrendered conditionally. He allowed Conacorix to sail away who had thought to conceal his betrayal of Heraclea by seizing these two cities. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4246. After Cotta had finished matters he turned over all his foot soldiers and cavalry to Lucullus and dismissed the auxiliaries whom he had from their various allies. Cotta sailed away with his fleet. It happened that part of the fleet which carried the spoils of Heraclea, was overloaded and sank not far from shore and the other part was dashed against the sands by a contrary north wind and lost much of their cargo. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4247. Lucullus left Sornatius behind with 6000 soldiers to order the province and took along with him 12,000 foot soldiers and less than 3000 cavalry. (2 legions and 500 cavalry according to Appian) He entered Cappadocia where Ariobarzanes was his friend and made very long marches to the Euphrates River where Cappadocia borders Armenia. (Salust. Histor. l. 4. with Nonium, in vos, Naves codicaria. Memnon, c. 58. Plut. Appian.)

4248. At that time in the winter, the Euphrates River was swollen and rough. About evening, the water began to recede and by daybreak the river was running within its own banks. Thereupon the inhabitants fell down in adoration of Lucullus. The waters did not go down before but only at the very time he came to allow him an easy crossing. As soon as he had crossed over with his army another favourable prodigy happened. One of the oxen came to Lucullus. These animals were consecrated to the Persian Diana whom the barbarians beyond the Euphrates River worship with high reverence. Those beasts are usually not captured without much trouble. However, this one came of its own accord to him and he sacrificed the bull to the Euphrates River for his easy crossing. He camped there all that day. (Plutarch.)

4249. During the time he marched through Sophenes, he did not offend in any way the inhabitants and they surrendered to him and cheerfully entertained his army. (Plutarch.) He only requested some money from them. The inhabitants of those countries did not like fighting so they would not interfere when Tigranes and Lucullus were fighting. (Appian.)

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4250. In those parts there was a citadel, where a great deal of treasure was thought to be stored. The soldiers wanted to attack the place but Lucullus pointed at Taurus which might be seen in the distance and said:

``Let us rather attack that stronghold. What is stored here is only reserved to reward conquerors.''

4251. So they marched on and he crossed the Tigris River and entered Armenia. (Plutarch.)

4252. At the same time as Lucullus invaded Armenia, Alexandra, queen of the Jews, became very sick. Thereupon Aristobulus, her young son, desired the kingdom and stole out in the night and took along with him only one servant. He went to the citadels which his father's friends controlled. Only his wife knew of his plans whom he left at home with his children. The first place he came to was Agaba, where Galaestes was in command. He received Aristobulus very enthusiastically. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24. cf. Belli. l. 1. c. 4.)

4253. The next day, the queen noticed Aristobulus' absence, but did not think that he plotted to take over the kingdom. When messenger after messenger came and brought the news of this citadel and then of that citadel being seized by her son, then both the queen and the whole country were in confusion. They feared lest if he should takeover the kingdom, he would call them to account for their hard usage of his close friends. It was therefore thought best to secure Aristobulus' wife and children in the citadel which was near the temple. In the meantime, there was a large crowd of men who defected to Aristobulus and hoped to get something by this revolution. He behaved like a king and gathered an army from Mount Libanus, Trachonitis and the neighbouring provinces. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.)

4254. Thereupon Hyrcanus, the high priests, and the elders of the Jews addressed the queen. They desired her advise about this emergency. She told them to do whatever they thought best for the public interest and to use the present strength and treasure of the kingdom for that. She was in such a weak condition of mind and body that she could not help in the public administration. She died not long after this. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.)

4255. Hyrcanus, her oldest son, succeeded her in the 3rd year of the 177th Olympiad when Q. Hortensius and Q. Metellus (later surnamed Creticus) were consuls. (Josephus Antiq. l. 14. c. 1.) His mother in his lifetime had turned over the kingdom to him. However, Aristobulus exceeded him in strength and authority. (Joseph. l. 1. c. 4.)

4256. When the consuls cast lots for their provinces, the managing of war against the Cretians fell to Hortensius. He was more interested in the city and the forum, in which he had the first place after Cicero and freely gave this expedition to Metellus. (Xiphilin. ex Dione.)

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4257. When the senate declared war on Crete, the wisest of the Cretians thought it best to send ambassadors to Rome to clear them of all the allegations, to pacify the senate with good words and secure their reconciliation. This was agreed to and they sent 30 of their most eminent men on this embassy to Rome. They hoped that they would obtain a new ratification of their former contract and be thanked for the favour they had showed to their quester and soldiers whom they had taken prisoners in the recent battle with M. Antionius. The ambassadors by privately visiting the senators at their houses, won them over to their side. When they were brought into the senate, they answered the charges against them and recalled the good services they had done and their alliance in war under the Roman general. It was resolved that the Cretians impeachments should be removed and that after this they would be allies of the Romans. However, Lentulus who was surnamed Spinther, had this decree reversed. Thereupon this particular business was debated several times by the senate. It was concluded that since the Cretians had sided with the pirate ships and had shared in the booty, they should send to Rome all their pirate ships even to boats of four tiers of oars. They should also return the ships which they had taken from the Romans. They were to return all prisoners, renegades and the 300 good hostages. Lasthenes, who had fought with Antonius and Panares, also demanded 4000 talents of silver. (Diod. Legat. 35. Appian. Legat. 30. Dio. Legat. 37. or 38.)

4258. The Romans did not wait for a reply from the Cretians who were at home. They soon sent one of the consuls to receive what was demanded and if they refused, to wage war with them. It was certain they would not comply. For was it imaginable that those, who, at the beginning, before any such things were exacted from them or before they had obtained a victory, would acknowledge any wrong committed by them? However, now after they had a victory, would they meekly submit to such haughty demands? The Romans knew full well what would be the result and suspected the delegates would be bribed to obstruct the wars. Hence they made a decree in the senate, prohibiting any person from lending the delegates anything. (Dio. Legat. 37. or 38.)

4259. When the Cretians debated the commands of the senate, the most politically astute were of the opinion that every detail should be observed. Those of Lasthenes' faction were somewhat obnoxious and feared lest they should be sent to Rome and there be punished for what they had done. They stirred up the people and exhorted them earnestly to fight for their liberty. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 35.)

4260. When Cotta had returned to Rome, he was highly honoured by the senate and honoured with the surname of Ponticus because he had taken Heraclea. (Memnon. c. 61.)

4261. Mithridates had lived in the parts of Armenia for 20 months and had not yet been admitted to see Tigranes, his son-in-law. At last overcome by his desire to present himself, he met him with a gallant train and received his father-in-law with princely magnificence. Nevertheless, 3 days passed without any conference between them. Later by the sumptuousness of the entertainments, he gave sufficient signs of his affection toward him. (Memnon, c. 57.) Then in the conference which was held very privately at court, they allayed the suspicion of Metrodorus Sceptius and other friends on both sides. So Mithridates was sent back again into Pontus with 10,000 cavalry. (Memnon.)

4262. Lucullus drew up a company of troops against the city in which he was told that Tigranes had secured his courtesans and most of his precious things. (Memnon. c. 58.)

4263. Tigranes hung a man as a trouble maker who brought the first news of Lucullus' coming with his army. After that no one brought him any news. At last when he found it to be true, he sent Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus, with 2000 (as Appian) or 3000 (as Plutarch has it) cavalry and a vast number of foot soldiers. He was ordered to take Lucullus alive and bring him to Tigranes to deter others from doing the same. (Plutarch and Appian.)

4264. Part of Lucullus' forces were camped and the remainder were on their march when the scouts brought news of the enemy's approach. Thereupon Lucullus feared lest the enemy should attack his men when they were not ready for battle. He halted the march and started to fortify his camp. He sent Sextilius, the delegate, with 1600 cavalry and almost as many foot soldiers with orders to stop when he was come up to the enemy. He was not to move until he received word that the camp was thoroughly fortified. However, Mithrobarzanes came so quickly on him that he was forced to fight. Mithrobarzanes was killed in this battle and most of the rest fled and were killed in the pursuit. (Plutarch.)

4265. Tigranes left Tigranocerta and committed the custody of the city to Mancaeus. He went about the country to levy an army and retreated to Taurus. He made that place his headquarters. (Plutarch cf. Appian.) Lucullus followed him so closely that he could not assemble an army. For he sent Muraena to attack and take all troops he found marching to Tigranes. Sextilius was sent another way to attack a large band of Arabians and to prevent their coming to the king, (Plutarch.)

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4266. Sextilius attacked the Arabians before they knew what happened as they were camped. He captured most of them. Muraena marched after Tigranes and overtook him with a very great force in an uneven and narrow dale. Muraena had some advantage by the terrain and he fought with Tigranes who left behind all his wagons and fled as fast as he could. Many Armenians died in the battle but far more were taken prisoners. (Plutarch.)

4267. Sextilius forced Mancaeus to retreat into Tigranocerta and started plundering the king's palace which was located outside the walls. He made a trench around the city and the castle to place the batteries and undermine the walls. (Appian.) At last Lucullus came to them, and closelt besiege to the city. He thought that Tigranes would not allow him to besiege the town but would come down in a rage to fight him. (Plutarch) The barbarians hindered his actions greatly. They shot many arrows and they shot their naphtha or fire pitch from their engines. This naphtha was a type of a pitchy substance and was so scalding that it burnt all it stuck to. Water would barely quench it. (Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)

4268. Mithridates sent ambassadors with letters, (as Plutarch states and not in person) and then met with Tigranes (as Appian has it) and warned him not to fight the Romans and to rove around the country with his cavalry. He was to lay it waste if possible and by this deprive the enemy of food. This was what Lucullus did to Mithridates not long ago at Cyzicum and made him lose an army without fighting a stroke.

4269. The Armenians and the Gordians joined with Tigranes. Every man of the Medes and Adiabans were brought by their kings. The Arabians also came in numbers from the Babylonian Sea. Many Albans came from the Caspian Sea along with the Iberians, their neighbours who were a free people who lived near Araxes. (Plutarch.) Some came for love of their king and others came because they were induced by gifts. (Plutarch) Others came from fear. (Cicero, in Oratione Maniliana.) For the barbarians thought the Roman army came solely to ransack their countries and their wealthy temple. For this reason many countries including the larger ones went to fight against Lucullus.

4270. These forces came together. At Tigranes' eating tables and council rooms, they talked only of victory and how roughly they would handle the enemy when they had captured them. Taxiles, who was Mithridates' delegate and his assistant, was in danger of losing his head because in a council of war, only he was opposed to fighting with the Romans. He said that the Romans were unconquerable. Mithridates envied the glory of the victory Tigranes would have lest he did not wait until he came and not share with him the glory of the day. (Plutarch.) However Tigranes sent for Mithridates to come quickly to help him. (Memnon, c. 58.)

4271. Tigranes ordered about 6000 soldiers to go and defend the city where his courtesans were kept. These charged through the Roman brigades and got into the town. They found their return trip intercepted by a valley of archers and sent away the king's concubines and his treasures safely by night to Tigranes. At daybreak the Romans and the Thracians fought with those Armenians and killed many of them and took at least as many prisoners. (Memnon, c. 58. & Appian. whose account is corrected from Memnon.)

4272. Tigranes marched against Lucullus with the rest of his army. He was very troubled that he would now only fight with one of the Roman generals, Lucullus, and not with the whole army. Tigranes had in his army, 20,000 archers and slingers, 55,000 cavalry, 150,000 heavily armed foot soldiers who were divided partly into regiments and partly into squadrons and 35,000 who were intended for barricading passes. (Plutarch.)

4273. As soon as Tigranes appeared with all his host at Taurus, he viewed from the top of a hill the Roman army which besieged Tigranocerta. The barbarians in the city welcomed the king's arrival with howlings and acclamation. They annoyed the Romans from the top of the walls and pointed to the Armenians on the hill. (Plutarch.)

4274. Lucullus left Muraena with 6000 foot soldiers to continue the siege of Tigranocerta and marched himself against Tigranes having in his army 24 regiments of foot soldiers of about 10,000 men along with all his cavalry, slingers and archers who numbered about 1000. He camped near a river in a large spacious field. (Plutarch.) No sooner had Tigranes seen the Roman camp but he presently mocked their small numbers and reproached them, saying:

``If these men came as ambassadors, there are a large number of them indeed, but if as enemies there is but 40 companies of them.'' (Memnon. c. 59. Plutarch, Appian, & Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)

4275. As Lucullus was wading with his army over the river, some of his commanders advised him to be careful what he did that day since it was a black or unlucky day on their calendar. For on that very day, the Cimbrians defeated the army under Cupidus. Lucullus replied:

``It behooves us therefore to fight more bravely now, if perchance this may make this dismal and black day, a day of happiness and rejoicing for the Romans.''

4276. That day was the day before the nodes of October. (Plutarch in Lucullo. & Camillo & Apophthegmat.) according to the Roman calendar at that time. However, according to the Julian calendar it was July 5th and the the beginning of the 4th year of the 177th Olympiad. This is the time of this battle as referred to by Phlegon.

4277. Lucullus knew that his soldiers were afraid of the heavily armed foot soldiers and encouraged them. They would have more trouble in stripping them than in defeating them. He first charged them on the hill and when he saw the barbarians give ground he cried out:

``We have overcome them, fellow soldiers.'' (Plutarch in Apothegm.)

4278. No sooner was Tigranes' right wing forced to flee but the left also began to retreat. In the end, they all turned their backs and so the Armenians fled in confusion and haste. The army was slaughtered. (Memnon. c. 59.) The Romans continued the killing for 15 miles and trampled all along the way on bracelets and chains until night came. They were forced to give up the chase and they started stripping the dead bodies. Lucullus had ordered them not to do this until the enemy was soundly defeated. (Appian.)

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4279. Phlegon says Tigranes' forces lost 5000 men and more were taken prisoners. Orosius said (l. 16. c. 3.) that 30,000 men were reported killed in that battle. Plutarch said that more than 100,000 foot soldiers were killed and very few of the cavalry escaped. The Roman army had 5 killed and 100 wounded. Antiochus the philosopher, in his commentary, De Dias, in mentioning this battle says there was never a day like it. Strabo (l. histor.) relates how that the Romans themselves were ashamed of what they had done and jeered themselves for fighting against such cowardly slaves. Livy said that the Romans never in all their history were so outnumbered as 20 to 1. (Plutarch.)

4280. If we say with Eutropius, Sextus Rufus and Jornandes that Lucullus had 18,000 men in his army, then that number multiplied by 20, would make 360,000 in Tigranes' army, not 150,000 as Plutarch stated but 250,000 foot soldiers according to Appian. He would have not 50,000 cavalry as Appian stated but 55,000 as noted by Plutarch. To this host, Plutarch adds 20,000 archers and 35,000 pages. The total would be 360,000. If this is correct then neither Phlegon's nor Memnon's account are accurate and are far too low. The one assigned to Tigranes' army 40,000 foot soldiers and 30,000 cavalry. The other allowed him a total of 80,000 foot soldiers and cavalry together. As their accounts are underrated so Eutropius is as much overrated. The Clibanarii were cavalry in armour of proof, as they are described by Salust. (l. histor.. 4. cited by Nonius in Voc. Cataphracti,) Plutarch intimates that Lucullus himself wrote to the senate that Tigranes had in his army only 17,000 of those Clibanarii. So there is no doubt that Eutropius was extremely mistaken in stating that total was 600,000. In Sextus Rufus' Breviary said there were not more than 7500 of those Clibanarii but 120,000 or 130,000 archers.

4281. At the very start of the battle, Tigranes fled from the field and ran as fast as he could to one of his citadels with barely 150 cavalry with him. He found his son as depressed as he was and he took off the diadem and turban from his head and turned his men over to his son. He urged him tearfully to shift for himself if he could devise any possible means which had been tried. The young prince dared not carry those royal ensigns with him but committed them to a most trusted friend to keep for him. It was his friend's misfortune to be taken prisoner soon after this and brought to Lucullus. The soldiers took the turban and the diadem and gave them to Lucullus. (Memnon. c. 59. & Plutarch cf. Oros. l. 6. c. 3. and Xiphilin. in Epitome Dionis.) Lucullus marched back to Tigranocerta and continued the siege with more zeal than before. (Memnon. c. 59.)

4282. Mithridates did not hurry to the battle for he thought that Lucullus would manage this war with the same caution and delay as he did before. Based on this when he was sent for by Tigranes, he was not very fast in coming. Soon after, he came upon by chance in the way some Armenians. They were terrified and ready to fall down for fear. Mithridates suspected everything was not well with Tigranes' side. Soon after this, he met with other companies of stripped and wounded and was told of the great defeat. Mithridates hurried as fast as he could to find Tigranes. When he found him desolate and depressed, he did not gloat over his misfortune. He dismounted his horse, and after mutually bemoaning each other's sad misfortune, Mithridates turned over to him his own princely retinue who attended him and encouraged him for the future. (Plutarch.) After he cheered him up a bit, he gave him royal robes as rich as anything he had ever worn. He made also some proposals concerning levying new forces. Since Mithridates already had a considerable army, he said there would be another battle to reverse this misfortune. Tigranes ascribed more prowess and discretion to Mithridates and thought he would be better to deal with the Romans than himself. Therefore Tigranes put Mithridates in charge of the war effort. (Memnon, c. 59.)

4283. Mancaeus saw from the walls of Tigranocerta the sad view of his defeated friends. He started to disarm all the Greek mercenaries because he suspected they would not remain loyal. They feared lest they should be laid hold on and took precautions and drew themselves up into a body and so remained together day and night. When they saw Mancaeus marching against them with his armed barbarians, they wrapped their clothes about their arms for bucklers and bravely charged them. Now that they had enough weapons, they seized some forts on the walls and they called in the Romans that besieged them and received them into the town. (Appian & Plutarch) Dio (l. 55) related that most of the inhabitants were Cilicians. When they had a disagreement with the Armenians, they let the Romans into the town by night who plundered everything except what the Cilicians owned. However, Memnon stated that when Mithridates or rather Tigranes' commanders saw how desperate things went on their side, they conditionally surrendered the town to Lucullus. (Memnon, c. 59.)

4284. After Lucullus had captured Tigranocerta and taken the king's treasures which were there, he let his soldiers plunder the city. In addition to what else they found, they found 8000 talents of coined money. Moreover Lucullus gave from the spoil 800 drachmas to every soldier. He found many players which Tigranes had brought there from all over. Tigranes was about to dedicate the theatre he had built. Lucullus used them for his interludes and triumphs. (Plutarch) He preserved many wives of the chief officers from harm who were taken. By that means he won their husbands to his side. (Dio. l. 35.) He outfitted the Greeks for their journey back into their country. He allowed the Cappadocians, Cilicians and other barbarians who were forced there, to also return home. So it happened, that by the ruin of one city (for the works was only half finished and Lucullus had demolished them and left only a small village) many cities received back their former citizens and hence many cities were restored. These cities esteemed him later as their founder, (Plut. with Strabone, at end l. 11. p. 532. & l. 12. p. 539.)

4285. Ambassadors came there from almost all the east begging his friendship. (Oros. l. 6. c. 3.) The countries of the Sophenians allied themselves to him. Antiochus, the king of the Commagens (which is a country of Syria located by the river Euphrates and Taurus) also came. Alchaudonius, a petty prince of Arabia and some others sued for peace through their ambassadors and Lucullus received them. He added a large part of Armenia to Rome. (Plutarch. & Dio. l. 35.)

4286. C. Metellus went with 3 legions to the Cretian war and defeated Lasthenes near the city of Cydonia. He was called emperor and destroyed the whole island with fire and the sword. He forced the Cretians into their citadels and cities (Florus l. 3. c. 7. Phlegon year 4. Olymp. 174. with Photium. Appian legat. 30.) and refused to make peace with them.

4287. Cleopatra the daughter of Ptolemy was born at Auletta. She was the last queen of Egypt of the Macedonian family and lived 39 years. (Plutarch in Antonia.) Tigranes and Mithridates went around various countries and raised another army which was placed under the command of Mithridates. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4288. Magadates, who managed the army in Syria for 14 years for Tigranes, brought it to the help of his king. By this act Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Silena, obtained the kingdom of Syria with the help of the Syrians. He was surnamed Asiaticus because he was educated there. Lucullus, who had recently defeated Tigranes, did not interfere with his actions in Syria. (Appian in Syriac. p. 118, 119, & 133.) However, Strabo (l. 11 fin.) wrote that Lucullus drove out Tigranes, from Syria and Phoenicia and after he defeated Tigranes, Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, (or rather his grandchild by his son) was called king of Syria until Pompey took that away from him which Lucullus had given to him. Justin (l. 40. c. 2.) stated that 4 years elapsed between the time he received it and the time it was taken away by Pompey.

4289. Tigranes and Mithridates sent ambassadors begging aid from their neighbours and of Arsaces the Parthian King. They condemned the Romans and suggested that when they were destitute and forsaken by others, the Romans had conquered them. After that they would attack him. (Dio. l. 35.)

4290. Arsaces was called this because it was the common name of the kings of Parthia. His proper name was Pacorus from Xiphilinus but he was called Phradates from Memnon. Phlegon Trallian (in Photii Bibliotheca cod. 97.) stated that in the year before which was in the 3rd year of the 177th Olympiad that Phraates succeeded Sinatrucus, the deceased king of the Parthians. However Dio stated Phraates succeeded Arsacus. Appian said he succeeded Sintricus, which we shall see was correct. Arsaces had ruled the empire for 6 years before the 3rd war of Mithridates started. These words are mentioned in a letter he wrote to the same man (of which we shall say more later) to prove this:

``You are far removed and all others are obnoxious, so I again renewed the war.''

4291. From this we conclude that his proper name was either Sintricus or Sinatrux.

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4292. This Arsaces was offended with Tigranes for starting a new war about a certain country that was in dispute between them. Tigranes gave this country back to him again. Moreover the Parthian also wanted to have the great valleys of Mesopotamia and Adiabene given to him as the reward for his alliance. However, when Lucullus knew of the embassy that Tigranes and Mithridates had sent to Arsaces, he also sent some ambassadors. They threatened Arsaces if he assisted Tigranes and made promises to him if he would side with the Romans. Lucullus' ambassadors urged him to either help the Romans or remain neutral. Arsaces secretly promised friendship to both sides and performed it to neither. (Memnon c. 60. Plutarch. & Appian & Dio. 35.)

4293. Among the remains of the 4th book of Salust's History, there is an entire letter of Mithridates that was sent to Arsaces about this very affair. In it he seemed to turn the indignation Arsaces had against Tigranes for waging the recent war to his own advantage. He said:

``For being guilty you shall receive what alliance you please''

4294. He excuses the great victory the Romans had against him by saying:

``They forced the multitude into such narrow places that they attributed their victory to their own strength which indeed was but his imprudence.''

4295. Later Mithridates stirred up Arsaces against the Romans by saying:

``You to whom Seleucia is the greatest city, the kingdom of Persia and very great riches do belong, what can you look for but deceit for the present and war for the time to come? The Romans have war everywhere, but it is most violent where the victory of their adversaries affords the richest spoil. They invade and they beguile. One war leads to the occasion for another. By those means (being made great) they either thwart the designs or destroy those that fight with them. This is not difficult if you in Mesopotamia and surround in Armenia their armies while they are without food and relief, &c. You shall bravely have the reputation to have assisted great kings and to have suppressed great robbers. Which I do desire and exhort you to do, unless you had rather by our ruin enlarge one empire than by our friendship become a conqueror yourself.''

4296. As soon as the unwelcome news of what M. Cotta had done at Heraclea arrived at Rome, he was a public disgrace and his great riches increased their envy. To avoid this he brought back most of the spoils to the treasury. However, the Romans were just as suspicious in that they suspected he restored just a few things from that great abundance he had taken. They also learned that the prisoners at Heraclea were suddenly to be freed by a public decree. (Memnon c. 61.)

4297. Moreover, Thrasymedes from Heraclea publicly accused Cotta before an assembly and praised the benevolence of his city to the Romans. He showed that if they had anyway transgressed, it was not done by the consent of the city but by the fraud of their magistrates and the power of their adversaries. He cried as he told them about the burning of the city and tearfully told them how Cotta had plundered all for his private gain. There came also a large number of men and women captives with their children. They came clothed in mourning clothes and kneeled down and with many tears held up their hands. The Roman nobles were inclined to sympathise with their case when Cotta came. After he had pleaded a little in his own language, he returned. Carbo arose and said:

``We O Cotta gave you commission to take, not to destroy the city.''

4298. After him others arose and made similar statements and expressed their indignation against him. Therefore, many thought he should be banished. In the end, they only took away his dignity. They restored their lands, sea and harbours to the Heracleans on the condition that none of them should be made slaves. (Memnon c. 61.)

4299. After this was over, Thrasymedes sent back the people to their country but he stayed with Brithagora and Propylo the son of Brithagora for some years at Rome. They did those things required to represent their country. (Memnon c. 62.)

4300. Lucullus was condemned by strangers and by his own citizens in that he would not pursue Tigranes but allowed him time to escape when he might easily have subdued him. They thought he wanted to prolong his own command. Therefore the government of Asia (properly so called) which was committed to him before, was assigned to the praetors. (Dio, l. 35.)

4301. Lucullus went to the Gordyens and attended the funeral of their king Zarbienus whom Tigranes had killed. Zarbienus had secretly entered into a league with Lucullus. Lucullus lit the fire to the pile of wood that was decorated with royal robes, gold and the spoils had been taken from Tigranes. At the funeral with his friends and kindred, Lucullus declared him his friend and a confederate of the Romans. He commanded a beautiful monument to be paid for from the king's treasury and dedicated to him. By this the Gordyens were so devoted to Lucullus, they would have left their houses and have followed him with their wives and children. (Plutarch.)

4302. In the courts of Zarbienus, they found much silver and gold. In his granaries, there was stored 3 million medimni, or 18 million bushels of grain. The soldiers were supplied by this and it was a great honour for Lucullus that he had taken nothing from the treasury, but financed the war from the spoils of the war. (Plutarch.)

4303. Lucullus welcomed ambassadors from Arsaces, the king of the Parthians and they desired his friendship and alliance. He sent Sicilius or Sextilius to Arsaces. However, Arsaces suspected from his expertise in military matters that he was sent to spy out the military strength of the land than to confirm the treaty. He did not give any help to the Romans but remained neutral in the war. (Plutarch with Dione, l. 35.)

3936a AM, 4645 JP, 69 BC

4304. When Lucullus had learned that Arsaces was wavering in his loyalty and that he desired secretly from Tigranes, Mesopotamia for a reward for his friendship, Lucullus decided to treat Tigranes and Mithridates as defeated enemies. He hurried to march against the Parthians to try their valour and strength. He sent therefore into Pontus to Sernatius his ambassador there and to several others that they would bring the forces they had there to him as if he had been ready to advance from the country of the Gordyens against the Parthians. However, their soldiers were obstinate and could not be persuaded. They said that if they were left there without help, they would depart to Pontus. Lucullus' soldiers were corrupted by this news. They saw their riches and luxury and desired ease and hated the severity of war. However, as soon as they understood the fury of the Pontics, they said those were fit to be imitated and esteemed. They said they had already merited their rest and discharge by their many achievements. Hence Lucullus was forced to forgo his expedition into Parthia. (Plutarch.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3936b AM, 4646 JP, 68 BC

4305. Furthermore the island of Delos which is located in the Aegean Sea, was a main centre for merchants. The island was full of riches yet it is small and without a wall yet it was secure and feared nothing. (According to Cicero in his Oration, pro lege Manilia) The pirate, Athenodorus, captured it and carried the inhabitants captive and destroyed the images of their gods. However, Caius Triarius repaired the ruins and built a wall around it, (Trallianus Phlegon l. 5. Chronicles), in the 4th year of the 177th Olympiad. (In Bibliotheca, Phocii, cod. 97.)

4306. Mithridates levied troops from every town and called a muster and determined that the entire force was almost all Armenians. From this he selected 70,000 foot soldiers and half as many cavalry and sent the rest home. He had arranged them into companies and troops according to the Italian discipline and he had the Pontics train them. (Appian.)

4307. In that year when Q. Marcius held the office of consul alone, Lucullus could not attack Tigranes until the middle of summer because it was too cold before that. After he had passed the Taurus Mountain and saw the green fields, he was astonished that the season was so late there because of the cold. Nevertheless, he came down into the plains, and after being attacked by the Armenians in 2 or 3 battles, he routed and dispersed them. (Plutarch. with Dione, l. 35.) While Mithridates remained on a hill with the foot soldiers and part of the cavalry, Tigranes with the rest attacked the Roman foragers and he was defeated. After this the Romans got their provisions with more security. They moved their camp nearer to Mithridates (Appian.) and intercepted the supplies for Tigranes. They caused great hardship on the enemy because of lack of provisions. (Plutarch.)

4308. Lucullus destroyed one part of the country and thought that the barbarians would be goaded into fighting for it. When he found that they would not, he marched out against them and his cavalry was distressed by the enemy cavalry. There was no conflict with the foot soldiers. Lucullus came in with his shields to their relief and scattered the enemy. The enemy was not greatly harmed by the encounter but shot their arrows back toward those that pursued them. Many were killed and wounded. The wounds were very serious and hard to be cured for the arrows had a double point. They were so placed that they were lethal whether they were pulled out or left in. (Dio.)

4309. In Crete, Lasthenes the governor of Cydonia was besieged by C. Metellus the proconsul. Lasthenes had fled from there to Gnosus and Panares, another governor of the city, made peace and surrendered the city to Metellus. Metellus later besieged Gnosus and Lasthenes put all his wealth into a house and burned it and fled from Gnosus. (Appian. Legat. 30.) Gnosus, Lyctus and Erithraea along with many other cities were taken by Metellus. (Livy, l. 99. Florus. l. 3. c. 7. Appian Legat. 30.) The Cretians were besieged by Metellus for a long time and brought to great extremity. They were constrained to quench their thirst with their own urine and their cattle's urine. (Valer. Max. l. 7. c. 6.)

4310. Lucullus brought his army against Artaxata, Tigranes' court, where his wife and children were. Tigranes could not stand for that and raised his camp, and after four days march came and camped by the Romans. The Arsamia River was between them which the Romans had to cross to attach Artaxata. (Plutarch.)

4311. After Lucullus had performed his sacrifice to his gods, he drew out his army, as if he had been certain of victory. He placed 12 cohorts in the front, he held the rest for reserves lest they might be surrounded by the enemy. The enemy had a large number of cavalry. Before the cavalry were the Mardian and Iberian lancers that used arrows also an horseback. Tigranes trusted these the most as the most valiant among his strangers. However, they did nothing remarkable and only skirmished for a while with the Romans. They were not able to endure the force of the legions and they ran away and had the cavalry follow them. (Plutarch.)

4312. As soon as they were dispersed and Lucullus saw Tigranes' cavalry advance, he kept his soldiers back from chasing the fleeing troops. He suspected Tigranes had a large number of well trained cavalry. In the meantime with those nobles and officers he had around him, Lucullus marched up against them that came towards him. The enemy was terrified and fled before they started to charge. Of the 3 kings, that were then in the field, Mithridates, the king of Pontus, ran away most shamefully and did not so much as endure the shout of the Romans. The Romans pursued them all night and were weary of killing and taking prisoners and were tired with taking and carrying away their money and spoil. Livy reports, that in the former battle, there were more, but in this the best soldiers and a large part of the enemy were taken or slain. (Plutarch.)

4313. The pirates were at this time so powerful that they covered the whole sea. They intercepted provisions intended for the fleet and would land and destroy provinces and islands. The Romans, who had conquered the whole world, did not control the seas. (Plutarch in Pompey, Appian. in Mithri. Dio l. 36. Eutrop. l. 6. Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) The next year, Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law reminded them of this:

``What confederate have you defended? Who was protected by your ships? How many islands do you think are deserted? How many cities are either forsaken for fear or taken by pirates from your friends? It was the ancient custom of the Romans to wage war far from home and rather use their forces in the defence of their friend's fortunes than of their own. Shall I say for these many years your sons have been a help to your friends and though our army was at Brundusius, they dare not plant but in the midst of winter? Why should I complain when they were taken that came to us from abroad when the very ambassadors of the people of Rome are redeemed. Shall I say the sea is not safe for our merchants when 12 of our guard (there were two praetors Sexilius and Bellino taken, according to Plutarch) fell into the hands of the pirates? Why should I remind you of Colophon and Samos, the two noble cities or of many more that have been taken when you know your own harbours and those very parts you inhabit yourselves have been taken by those enemies. Where was this government, when the Roman ambassadors, praetors and questers were intercepted, when public and private commerce from old provinces was forbidden us, when the merchanise was so confined that we could have no trading either in private or in public?''

4314. He expressed this, as all other things most elegantly.

4315. The common base of these pirates was Cilicia which was called "the rough" and was the main base for their activities. They had in every place citadels, towers and deserted islands and secret creeks for their ships. More especially they that came from this part of Cilicia which was called "the rough." It had no harbours and had very high rocks rising from the shore. From this, by all people they were called by the common name of Cilicians. This evil which started in Cilicia, attracted the Cyrians, Cyprians, Pamphilians, Pontics and all the eastern countries together. Because of Mithridates' war, they were more inclined to do mischief then to endure it. They exchanged the land for the sea, so that in a short time there became many thousands of them. (Appian p. 234.)

4316. They had more than 1000 places and 400 cities that they had taken. They pillaged the temples at Clarius, Didaemaeus and Samothrace that were sacred and untouched before. They plundered that which was dedicated to Tellus at Hermion, to Aesculapious at Epidaurus, to Neptune in Isthmus, Taenarus and Calauria, Apollo in Actium and Leucade, Juno in Samos Argin and Lucanium. They performed some rites of strangers in Olympus and some secret mysteries of those who worshipped the sun. They went out of their way to insult Romans. If any of their prisoners called himself a Roman, they presently feigned fear and knocked their knees together and falling down at his feet and humbly implored his pardon. While he imagined them real and sincere, some of them furnished him with shoes, others with garments lest he should be otherwise any longer unknown. When they had mocked and deluded the man for a long time, they put down a ladder into the sea and they bade him go down in safety. If he refused, they threw him down headlong and drowned him. (Plutarch in Pompey.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3937a AM, 4646 JP, 68 BC

4317. About the autumnal equinox severe storms unexpectedly struck Lucullus' army. It snowed for the most part and froze when it was clear. The ice was troublesome for the frozen rivers gave them little water for the horses. If they broke the ice, the pieces hurt their legs and made it difficult to cross. The country was forested and they were daily covered with the fall of snow from the trees and constrained to rest inconveniently in the wet. Therefore, they petitioned Lucullus through their tribunes and later there was a riot in the night. Lucullus begged them earnestly but in vain and beseeched them that they not give up until they had destroyed the greatest work of their enemy the Armenians, since Carthage was taken. It was reported (See note on 3816c AM <<3151>>) that Artaxata was built by the advice of Hannibal, the Carthaginian. He failed and was forced to retreat. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Concerning this retreat of the Roman army, Cicero tried to excuse in his speech for the Manilian law in this way:

``Although our army had taken a city in Tigranes' kingdom called Tigranacerta and had fought several successful battles, yet were they discouraged by the tediousness of their march. I will not say any more here. The result was it was complained, our soldiers' return from those places was more sudden than their march was long.''

4318. Lucullus returned through Armenia to Mesopotamia and past Taurus in another place. He descended into the country of Migdonia which was a very warm and fruitful country. It contained a large and populous city called by the barbarians, Nisibis, by the Greeks, Antioch Migdonica. (Plutarch in Lucullo with Orosio l. 6. c. 3.)

4319. The city was built by the Macedonians (Joseph. l. 20. c. 2.) but Tigranes had taken that and all Mesopotamia from the Parthians. He had placed his treasure and many other valuable things there. It was surrounded with a double brick wall of large thickness and a ditch so deep and broad that the wall could neither be shaken nor undermined. (Dio. l. 35.) Guras, Tigranes' brother, was commander-in-chief and under him was Callimachus. He had performed noble exploits at Amisus was respected as a person of great knowledge in fortifications and of much experience in war. (Plutarch.)

4320. Lucullus besieged the city with all manner of engines. (Plutarch.) In the beginning of the winter the barbarians thought themselves certain of victory and began to be careless. The Romans had already departed. Lucullus returned one night when the moon was not out and a fierce thunder storm was going on. The barbarians could neither see nor hear what was happening. For that reason they left only a few there and had almost deserted the outer wall and the ditch between the walls. Lucullus by his works, easily scaled over the wall and killed without much trouble those few sentinels he found. He filled up part of the ditch with earth that he threw in for they had before this thrown down their bridges. When the enemy could not harm them with their arrows nor fire because of the rain, he captured the ditch and immediately captured the city. Their inner walls were not made so strongly because they placed most of their confidence in the outer wall. (Dio.)

4321. Those that fled into the castle, he received upon terms. (Dio.) Guras the brother of Tigranes surrendered and was treated civilly. Lucullus put Callimarchus in chains to be punished even though he promised to show him where large sums of money were hidden. Callimarchus had burnt Amisus and robbed Lucullus of his glory and ruined that thing which should have been his gift to the Greeks. (Plutarch.) Much money was later found and Lucullus wintered at Nisibis. (Dio.)

4322. In the meantime, those who had influence in the assembly and envied Lucullus, charged that he had prolonged the war from covetousness and desire of command. One said Cilicia, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia and all the provinces as far as Phasis, were already conquered. Now Lucullus was only foraging in Tigranes' countries as if he had been sent to plunder princes rather than to vanquish them. It is reported that Lucius Quintius one of the praetors spoke this and persuaded the people of Rome to order another commander to replace him and disband many of those soldiers that had served faithfully under him. (Plutarch.)

4323. In Lucullus' camp, P. Clodius was a man of great insolence and dissoluteness and greatly disturbed the camp. He was brother to Lucullus' wife, with whom (she was a lascivious woman) he was said to be intimate. Lucullus removed him from his command because he degenerated so much by his behaviour. Clodius stirred up the Fimbrians, (or Valerians) against him. By this we mean those that he had brought from Fimbria who killed L. Val. Flaccus, the consul and wanted to command them. When these men were seduced by Clodius, they would not follow Lucullus against Tigranes or Mithridates. Since it was winter, they extended the time at Gordyene and expected another commander to come and replace Lucullus. (Plutarch.)

4324. When Lucullus was besieging Nisibis, Tigranes thought the city was invincible and did not go to its relief. He sent Mithridates into his own country while he marched into Armenia. For a while he besieged Lucius Fannius, until Lucullus heard of this and marched to his rescue. (Dio. l. 35.)

4325. Mithridates marched into Pontus which was the only kingdom that he had left. He had 4000 of his men and 4000 from Tigranes. (Appian.) He invaded one of the Armenian's and other countries and suddenly attacked many straggling Romans and killed them. He fought fairly and defeated and recovered many places quickly. The men were inclined to him because he was born in that country and his father had ruled there before. They did not like the Romans because they were strangers and some of their governors were tyrants. Hence they came freely to Mithridates. (Dio.) Concerning this Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law said:

``Mithridates had now gotten his own soldiers and those who had joined themselves to him from his kingdom along with large numbers from foreign countries and kings. He was reenforced in this by what we have heard indeed does frequently happen, that a prince's calamities do easily generate compassion from most men. This is especially true if they be either king's themselves or live under his government because the name of a king is very reverend and sacred. By this he has done more by being defeated than if he had been victorious in all that he did.''

[Soldier4Christ]

4326. Mithridates defeated M. Fabius whom Lucullus had left as governor of those parts. He was helped by the Thracians, who were angry with Fabius although they had been paid by him previously. The slaves in the Roman camp also helped defeat the Romans. (Dio. cum Appian.)

4327. Fabius had sent out some of the Thracian scouts and they returned with imprecise information. Fabius advanced without due care and was suddenly attacked by Mithridates. At that time the Thracians revolted and attacked the Romans. They were routed and 500 were killed. After that, Fabius feared all the slaves that were in his camp, when Mithridates promised liberty to the slaves. They also defected to his side and would have doubtlessly killed all the troops of Fabius had not Mithridates been hurt with a stone in the knee. Because of that he was hit under his eye with an arrow and he was suddenly carried off the field. While the barbarians were taking care of their king, Fabius used the opportunity to safely retreat with the rest of his men. The Agari were a people of Scythia who were well skilled in medicines made from the poison of serpents and for that reason they were always near the king. They had the care of the king. (Iid. inter se callati.)

4328. After this Fabius was besieged in Cabiris and was relieved by C. Triarius as he was marching that way from Asia to Lucullus. He knew of Mithridates' success and he assembled as many troops as he could and terrified Mithridates so much that he moved his camp. Mithridates imagined that he had the entire Roman army with him. This encouraged Triarius and he pursued them into the country of the Comagenus, (or rather Comans, in Cappadocia, which Dio says more on later.) He fought and defeated them. Mithridates had camped on one side of a river and the Romans came down on the other. Mithridates hoped he might find them weary after their march and he immediately advanced and ordered the rest to attack over another bridge while they were fighting. They had fought a long time and the battle was indecisive. The bridge collapsed because so many men had crossed over it and this prevented Mithridates' troops from helping him. Hence Mithridates was defeated. Since it was now winter, both sides established their winter quarters after this battle. (Dio. c. 35.)

4329. Aulus Gabinius, a tribune, prevailed with the people that a commander might be chosen from those who had been consuls. He would have full and absolute power against the pirates and his command would last for 3 years. He would be furnished with very large forces and many delegates. It is not certain whether Pompey put him up to this (even though he did not ask for Pompey) or this was his own idea to ingratiate himself to Pompey. Gabinus was a very wicked man and whatever he did was not for the benefit of the republic. (Dio. l. 36.) Cicero in his speech about him after his return to the senate said:

``Who, had he not been protected by his being a tribune he could neither have avoided the power of the praetor, the number of his creditors, nor the proscription of his goods. At that time, had he not got that order concerning the war with the pirates, necessity and wickedness would have constrained him to become a pirate himself. This would have been less dangerous and detrimental to the commonwealth since their adversary would have been from without not within.''

4330. The senate confirmed this order of the people although against their will. (Dio l. 36.) Velleius Paterculus, (l. 2. c. 31.) related that like in a war and not as like common thieves the pirates had frightened the whole world with their ships. This was not by any sudden or secret expedition of theirs. Moreover they destroyed some cities in Italy. Cnaeus Pompey was sent to suppress them and had an equal authority with the proconsuls within 50 miles of the sea. By this decree of the senate, the government of the whole world was placed on one man. However, the same thing was decreed 2 years earlier in the praetorship of M. Antonius, as Velleius states. However, it seems to me that it should rather be 6 years earlier than 2 since it appears that M. Antonius died 3 years before in the Cretian war and that Marcus Antonius died in the Cretian war 2 years earlier and that "the great care of all the sea coasts within the Roman empire", was committed to him in the consulship of Lucullus and Cotta. Asconius Pedianus, in his speech of Verres' praetorship in Sicily has stated this. (See note on 3930 AM <<3624>> and 3934 AM <<3727>>.)

4331. By this Gabinian law, for 3 years Pompey had the command of the navy and (as Plutarch says) over all men in the provinces within 400 furlongs (50 miles) of the sea in all the Mediterranean. Around it, he had the power to command all kings, governors and cities to help him. Appian (p. 235.) said it was 50 miles while Velleius and Plutarch said it was 400 furlongs, allowing 8 furlongs to a mile. Xiphilinus (Dion l. 6.) says it was 400 furlongs and from (Dion l. 35.) said it was 3 days' journey from the sea. They considered a day's journey to be 133 furlongs or about 16 miles.

4332. By the same law, Pompey had the power to choose 15 deputies from the senate. He would assign these the charge of various provinces. He might take also from the treasury as much money as he needed. He could take 200 ships and levy what forces he pleased. He called an assembly of the people and he prevailed with them for much more and doubled his preparation. He outfitted 500 ships although Appian said he had only 270 including the smaller vessels. He raised 120,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry (4000 according to Appian). He chose from the senate, 24 captains for the troops (25 according to Appian) and made them officers under him. He had two quaesters given to him and 6000 Attic talents. The job seemed so considerable to pursue so many navies in so large a sea. There were many hiding places where they could escape to if attacked and launch an attack suddenly from later. (Appian.)

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4333. Pompey was very well supplied with his own ships and his confederates from Rhodes. He controlled both sides of the sea with his commanders and through them he boxed up the pirates in every port, bay, creek, recess, promontory or island. (Florus, l. 3. c. 6.) He gave ships, cavalry and foot soldiers along with the praetorian standards to those officers he had chosen from the senate when he had settled matters at sea. Everyone of them had absolute authority in that place where they were assigned to. Those pirates that were taken by one party were turned over to others lest any should have too long a pursuit or by sailing too far away, they might prolong the war. (Appian.)

4334. The Gaditane Straits were given to Tiberius Nero, the Balearic sea, to Manlius Torquatus, to both of them was committed the care of Spain. Cratilius blocked up the Ligurian Sea, M. Pomponius, the French, and the sons of Pompey, (the emperor) the Adriatic, Sardinia, Corsica. The adjacent islands were controlled by Publ. Attilius, the Libyan area by Lentulus. The Egyptian area was controlled by Marcellius and Lu. Gelliuis had the command of the Tuscan Sea and the coasts of Italy. C. Lentulus controlled all between Sicily and Epirus. The Ionian Sea was assigned to Plothus Varo and Terentius Varo. He was the most learned of the Togati of whom Pliny said (l. 3. c. 11 & l. 7. c. 30. & l. 16. c. 4.) that he was presented with a naval crown by Pompey for his efforts in this war. L. Cinna had the oversight of Peloponnesus, Attica, Eubaea, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Boeotia. L. Cullius was given all the Aegean Sea and the Hellespont, although Florus assigned the Asiatic to Caepio. Metellus Nepos was given Lycia, Pamphylia, Cyprus and Phoenicia. P. Piso was assigned Bithynia, Thracia and Porcius. Cato besieged the straits so tightly with his ships that he blocked up the Propontis as if it had been a gate. (Florus, l. 3. c. 6. & Appian. p. 236.) Pompey, like a king of kings, overlooked all and required everybody to stay in their areas lest while he found the pirates defeated in one place, he would be attacked from another area. He ordered that while all were ready to relieve one another, they should not allow the enemy to escape by sailing around. (Appian. p. 236.)

4335. When his forces were dispersed in this manner through the whole sea, Pompey began from the lower part and surrounded the enemies' navy and dragged them as with a net into their harbours. Those who escaped, fled into Cilicia to hide themselves like bees to a hive. (Plutarch in Pompey.) In 40 days, he with his officers had cleared the Tuscan, African Sardoan, Corsican and Sicilian seas. He returned to Rome and he did what he wished. (Plutarch in Pompey & Livy l. 99.& Appian. p. 236.)

4336. Pompey sailed from Brundusium with 60 very good ships to start the war in Cilicia. The enemy prepared to fight him not because they thought they could beat him but they were very oppressed and had little to loose. They only attacked once and then found themselves surrounded. They threw away their arms and oars and with a general shout as a sign of their submission, they begged their lives. (Florus, l. 3. c. 6. & Plutarch & Appian.) Cicero affirmed this in his Manilian speech that in 51 days after, he sailed from Brundusium, he had brought all Sicily in subjection to the Romans. This story of the recovering all Cilicia in so short a time should be considered as a rhetorical device to praise Pompey. (See note on 3941 AM << >>.)

[Soldier4Christ]

4337. After news came that Mithridates had defeated Fabius and was marching against Sornatius and Triarius, the Fimbrian (or Valerian), the soldiers were ashamed and followed Lucullus when he went to their relief. Mithridates in the meantime when Manius Acilius Glabro and Cai. Piso were consuls, camped opposite Triarius near Gaziursa. He tried to provoke him to fight by training and exercising his men in the sight of the Romans to engage him before Lucullus came. He hoped to defeat the Romans and recover the remainder of the kingdom. Mithridates was not able to draw him out so he sent some of his men to Dadasa to besiege a citadel which the Romans had left behind them. He hoped that the Romans would come to its relief so he could attack them. Triarius was not fooled for he feared the number of troops Mithridates had and expected that Lucullus whom he had sent for, would come soon. Hence he stayed in his camp. When his soldiers heard that Dadasa was besieged, they were afraid of losing the goods they had there. In a rebellious manner they threatened that unless he would lead them out, they would go to defend them without his permission. By this he marched out against his will. (Dio. l. 35.)

4338. When Triarius had come out against Mithridates, there was a violent storm that was worse than anyone could remember. It blew over the tents in either camp, drove the cattle from the way and knocked down some of the soldiers from the hills. This storm made both sides retire. When it was told Triarius that Lucullus was near, he attacked Mithridates' camp before day as if he desired to snatch the victory from Lucullus. After they had fought long with equal fortune and courage, the king trusted his own wing and at length prevailed and pressed upon the enemy. He forced their foot soldiers into a dirty ditch where they were cut down because they had poor footing. Mithridates lost only a few men. After his victory, he courageously pursued their cavalry through the fields, until a Roman centurion, running like a servant by his side as fast as his horse, gave him a deep wound in his thigh. The centurion could not kill him because of his breastplate and was quickly killed by Mithridates' troops. Mithridates was carried into the farthest part of the army. (Appian. & Plut. & Dione.)

4339. After this, the king's friends sounded a retreat and called back the soldiers from this notable victory. This was unexpected and made fearful lest some bad had happened somewhere else. They gathered tumultuously around the body of their king. Finally Timothy the physician stopped the bleeding and held him up on high in their sight. Except for this accident, the Romans would have been utterly destroyed but escaped by this delay. When Mithridates came his senses, he reproved them that sounded the retreat. The same day Mithridates broke camp and marched against the Romans. The Romans were very afraid and utterly deserted. More than 7,000 soldiers were killed in this fight, including 150 centurions and 24 tribunes. In no other battle before this, were so many officers lost. (Appian. & Plut. & Dione.) Appian says this encounter happened near the Scotius Mountain:

``a famous place in those parts by reason of Mithridates' victory, Triarius' defeat and the loss of the Roman army.'' (Appian p. 254.)

4340. Hirtius states in his commentaries of the war in Alexandria that this was about 3 miles from Zela, a town in Pontus.

4341. This is the defeat which Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law a year and an half later remembers:

``Your army was resolute and victorious but Mithridates attacked them. Allow me in this place, like those who write of the Roman affairs, to skip over our misfortunes which were so great that the news did not come to Lucullus by a messenger from the battle but by rumour.''

4342. Later he said:

``After we were defeated in Pontus concerning which a little before I reminded you of against my will, our friends and confederates were afraid and the wealth and courage of the enemies increased. The province had no garrison or troops to trust to and Asia would have been lost, O Romans, had not fortune in the nick of time brought Pompey as it were from heaven to the relief of those countries. His arrival stopped Mithridates though swelled with his success and held back Tigranes who with great strength was threatening Asia.''

4343. When Mithridates was healed of his wounds, he suspected there might be more of the enemy among his men. He selected a party on another pretence and ordered everyone suddenly to their tents. The Romans were found alone and killed. (Dio. l. 35.)

4344. From there he went into that Armenia which the Romans call the "Lesser." He took all the provisions he could carry with him and the rest he spoiled lest it should be useful to Lucullus. About that time Attilius, a Roman senator, was found guilty of conspiracy. He had fled for fear of justice long ago to Mithridates and had been received into his favour. From respect for his former office, Mithridates would not torture him but was content only with his death. He grievously tormented his companions but sent his servants away untouched whom he had made privy to his design. (Appian.)

4345. Lucullus came to Triarius whom the angry soldiers requested and privately carried him away. (Plut. in Lucullo.) They left unburied those who had died in the fight. This was thought to be the first thing that alienated the affections of his own soldiers. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4346. Mithridates waited with his army on a hill near Talaura for Tigranes who was coming to him with great forces. He refused to fight until he came. However, Mithridates the Mede, one of Tigranes' sons-in-law, suddenly attacked the Romans as they were scattered abroad and gave them a great defeat. (Plut. Appian. Dio.)

4347. Quintus Marcius, who was the sole consul the previous year, was sent as proconsul into Cilicia, Lucullus' main province. Marcius marched with 3 legions through Licaonia and Marcius asked Lucullus to help him but Lucullus said his soldiers would not follow him. (Salust. historiar. l. 5. apud Priscian. l. 18. & Dio. l. 35.)

4348. When Marcus entered into Cilicia, he received graciously Menemachus who had revolted from Tigranes. Marcus made P. Clodius commander of the navy. Marcus had married Clodius' sister and Lucullus had married another sister of Clodius. Clodius had fled from Lucullus for fear of what offences he had committed at Nisibis. (Dio. l. 35.)

4349. Clodius was attacked by the Cilician pirates by surprise and was taken prisoner. They demanded a ransom for him. He sent to Ptolemy, the king of Cyprus to see if he would pay it. Ptolemy only sent 2 talents which the pirates despised. However, they feared Pompey, they thought it best to free him for nothing. (Strabo, l. 14. p. 684. Appian. Bell. Civil. l. 2. p. 441. Dio. l. 35, & 38.)

4350. By the Gabinian law, Manius Acilius Glabrio who was the sole consul that year was made successor to Lucullus in the command of Bithynia and Pontus. The Valerian or Fimbrian legion that had been discharged before and reemployed, were again disbanded. These troops began to rebel and despised Lucullus when they luxuriated with the fruits of victory and lived at ease and with plenty when Lucullus was not present. (Salust. Historiar. l. 5. with Priscian. l. 18. & Dio. l. 35.)

4351. Dio (l. 35.) stated that P. Clodius was the main instigator of this rebellion. Cicero affirmed this in his speech in reply to prognosticators. He said that when Clodius was freed by the pirates, he treacherously corrupted Lucullus' army and he fled there. Dio said that he went to Antioch in Syria to help them against the Arabians whom they had war with. Again he stirred up a rebellion and was very nearly killed. (Dio l. 35.)

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4352. Lucullus was in a fix. He dared not move from his place nor dared he stay there. Finally he resolved to march against Tigranes and hoped to attack him by surprise or when he was tired after his march. He hoped that this would settle the rebellions in his camp but it did not. His soldiers followed him for a while but when they knew they were heading for Cappadocia, all of them unanimously without speaking one word turned their backs. When the Valerians or Fimbrians heard they were discharged at Rome, and that Lucullus' command was given to others, they all stole from their colours. Lucullus in the meantime tried to reconcile them, and in great dejection with tears in his eyes, he went to their tents and begged everyone to come back. He took some of them by the hand but they refused his embraces. They threw down their empty purses and declared that as he had alone enriched himself by them that he should alone fight with his enemies. (Plut. & Dio.)

4353. This rebellion of the soldiers who would not follow Lucullus, kept him pursuing Mithridates and Tigranes and completing his victory over them. The Valerian Legions cried out that they were disbanded and forsook him. (Livy l. 98.) Finally they were overcome by the intreaty of their fellow soldiers, they agreed to keep to their colours that summer on condition that if no one came to fight them in that time, they might depart. Lucullus was forced to agree with these men or leave that province with no garrison to defend against the barbarians. He did not command them or lead them out into battle but thought it sufficient if they only stayed. He allowed Tigranes to forage in Cappadocia and Mithridates to range over the whole province. (Plut. in Lucullo.)

4354. Lucullus had written to the senate that he had finished the war with Mithridates and officers came to him to settle the affairs in Pontus, as if all had been peaceful. (Plutarch. in Lucullo, Dio. l. 36.) However, they found that even he was not in control of his troops but was mocked and derided by the soldiers. When the summer was past they had become so insolent and contemptuous of their commander, they took up their arms and drew their swords. They called for their enemies which they could not find anywhere. They retired from the camp with shouting and throwing up their arms and declared that the time they had promised Lucullus to stay, had expired. (Plut. in Lucullo.)

4355. When Acilius Glabrio, the consul, arrived at the province that was assigned to him, he sent criers about and announced that the senate had discharged Lucullus' army and confiscated his goods because he had prolonged the war and refused to obey their commands. When the soldiers heard this, most of them forsook him. Only a few stayed with him who were very poor and did not fear their punishment. (Appian.) As a result of this, Mithridates recovered most of his kingdom and did much damage to Cappadocia. Lucullus did not fight with Mithridates nor did Acilius defend the country. For although he hurried as if he would have robbed Lucullus of his victory, yet when he understood their condition that Lucullus came with no army, he prolonged his stay in Bithynia. (Dio. l. 30.)

4356. Cicero in his Manilian speech to the Romans in which as a favour to Lucullus, he excused what happened by saying:

``L. Lucullus who in some measure might perhaps be bettered by his misfortunes, was constrained by your command, (because you had resolved according to ancient custom to remove his authority.) He dismissed that part of his army which had served out their time and sent the other to Glabrio.''

4357. We conclude this section about Lucullus and will return to the war with the pirates or the maritime war (as Salust and Cicero calls it) that Pompey completed this summer.

4358. Most of the pirates had sent their children, wealth and the a large multitude into their citadels and strong holds near the Taurus Mountain. They fought with Pompey at Coracesion in Cilicia and were defeated and they were soon besieged. Finally they sent out commissioners and surrendered themselves, their islands and towns. Because of their strength, these would have been very difficult to capture. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4359. Pompey advanced into Cilicia with a very great number of engines and planned to attack those pirates that were located on the rocks. This he did not need to do for his fame and the news of his preparation terrified the pirates. They thought he would be more merciful if they did not fight him. First those who commanded the great citadel of Cragus and Anticragus and later all the Cilcians on the mountains, came in and submitted themselves. They turned over many arms that were either finished or being made including many ships half completed in the docks and others ready for sale. As well they turned over brass and iron prepared for those ships and sails, ropes and other material. They surrendered a large number of captives who were forced to ransom themselves or work in their prisons. Pompey burned the materials, carried away the ships and sent the prisoners home. Many of them saw their own monuments that their relatives had made when they assumed they were long dead. (Appian in Mithridatic.) Thus the pirates were overcome and the whole strength of the pirates subdued in every part of the sea in no more time than 3 months (Plut. in Pompey.) or 2 months if we will follow Lucan (l. 2.).

Before twice Cynthia did wax and wane. The frightened rover left th' all horrid main To seek a dwelling in some private plain.

4360. Pompey burnt more than 1300 small boats and destroyed their places of retreat. (Strabo l. 14. p. 665.) 72 ships wre taken by force and 306 surrendered. (Appian) Plutarch stated that 800 surrendered and of these 90 had prows of iron. Pliny affirmed that there were taken or sunk 846 ships, (l. 7. c. 25. & 26.) 120 towns, citadels and storehouses. 10,000 pirates were killed in the fight. (Appian.)

4361. There were 20,000 of the pirates left alive whom Pompey planned to let live. However, he did not think it was safe to allow them to leave or that many soldiers and desperate persons stay together. (Plut.) Lest poverty might constrain them to future actions, he relocated them into a certain place remote from the sea and he gave them those fields for farming which he saw abandoned. He put some in cities that needed inhabitants and gave them a capacity of living without resorting to thievery. (Livy 99. l. vell. Pater. l. 2. c. 32. Florus l. 3. c. 6. Dio. l. 36.) He ordered them to settle in Maltum, Adana, Epiphania and other remote towns in Cilicia (the Stony) (Appian.) and into a sea town of Cilicia called formerly Solos which he called Pompeiopolis. He repaired it after it had been destroyed by Tigranes, the Armenian king. He transferred many to Didymena which lacked inhabitants. (Strabo. l. 14. Plut. in Pomp. Dio. l. 36.)

4362. Thus that war that was so long and of so large an extent and effected all countries was concluded. Pompey prepared for it in the midst of winter, began in the spring and finished in the middle of summer. Cicero in his Manilian speech said before:

``This war was so cruel, so ancient and so widely dispersed that who would ever have thought that either all the commanders in the world could have finished it in one year or any one commander in all the ages of the world?''

4363. Florus also said that besides the swiftness of execution and the felicity in the success, there should not be one ship lost. From then on there would be no more pirates. This was done by the singular conduct of the captain by removing them that had been so used to the sea from the sight of it and pinning them up as it were in the midland countries. Should not he be listened to when he speaks of the speediness of the conquest because what had happened only of his success in the lower seas, (which has indeed enough of wonder in it) he attributes to the general's seduction. He says this was all finished in 40 days. Cicero denies this and so does Dion who signifies in these words, ta pleiw awtoethshmirwse that the larger part of the seas were made safe by Pompey within a year's time.

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4364. In Crete, (which after Cilicia Plutarch stated was the next haven of the pirates) the prisoners were so harshly dealt with that most of them poisoned themselves. Others sent to Pompey, although he was absent and said that they would surrender to him. (Florus l. 3. c. 7.) Pompey was then in Pamphylia, where their ambassadors came and promised all the cities in Crete would surrender themselves to him. He did not disappoint them but he demanded hostages. (Cicero, prolege Manilia) In the meantime he forbade Metellus from interfering in that war and wrote to the Crizens that they should not obey him. (Plutarch in Pompey.) He also ordered Metellus to leave the island, for he would take that charge upon him as a part of the care committed to him. (Appian. legat. 30.) He sent one of his officers, L. Octavius, there without an army. He was not to go to wage war but to receive the cities into the favour of the people of Rome. He shut himself up within the walls with those that were besieged. He fought with them and made Pompey's name odious and contemptible. (Plut. in Pompey. Dio. l. 36.)

4365. Metellus despised Pompey's command who was in another province and continued in his intended war. He was the more bitter in the war in that he exercised the right of a conqueror on his enemies and hurried to subdue them before Pompey could come. (Florus, Plut. Dio.) He sent letters to Rome and complained that the glory of his actions were taken away by Pompey. He sent his ambassador into Crete to accept the surrender of the city. Pompey replied to them that they should surrender. (Livy l. 99.)

4366. Cornelius Sisenna who at this time was governor of Greece, came with his army into Crete and admonished Metellus that he should spare the people. He could not persuade him and did nothing that compelled him to be more tolerant. (Dio. l. 36.)

4367. Aristion marched from Sidon after he had defeated Lucius Balsus who had come out to attack him. He took Hierapidna and defended that city against the Romans (Dio. l. 36.)

4368. Metellus bribed many within the city of Elcuthera and took it by treachery. The conspirators softened a great tower of brick that was extremely hard to be taken, with vinegar for some nights so that it could easily be broken. Later he imposed a tax on Elcuthera and took Lappa by force. He was not deterred by Octavius commanding there and did him no harm. He only killed the Cilicians he found about him (Dio. l. 36.) and dismissed Octavius after he had been mocked and abused with many ignominies in the camp. (Plutarch.)

4369. Octavius did not like this treatment and did not waste time as before. He took command of Sisenna's army who had recently died of a disease. He relieved those who were oppressed by Metellus and then went to Aristion. There he managed their war by common consent and for some time continued in that position. When they heard that Metellus was advancing against them, they forsook their citadels and sailed away. They were hit by a storm and after the loss of many of their men, they were forced to run ashore. (Dion. l. 36.)

4370. Marcus Cotta had dismissed his treasurer P. Oppius on suspicion of defrauding the treasury and conspiring against him. Oppius had gathered a large amount of money in Bithynia. He was accused by C. Carbo who was made consul for this although before he had only been a tribune. (Dion. l. 36.) (See note on 3935b AM <<3805>>.)

3938a AM, 4647 JP, 67 BC

4371. After Sinatruces (whom Appian called Sintricus, Dio by the common name of the kings of Parthia, Arsaces) died, his son Phraates succeeded him. He was the 2nd king of Parthia by that name who by a most impious title was called, "the god." (Appian. in Mithridatic p. 242. & Dio. l. 36. collat. cum Plegont. in Bibliothec. Photic, cod. 97.) (See note on 3935b AM <<3798>>.)

4372. Hyrcanus (as we read in Josephus, l. 16. c. 9.) was driven from his kingdom by Aristobulus, his younger brother, 3 months after the death of his mother Alexandra. However since it appears there were 6 years from the time Hyrcanus began to reign when R. Hortensius, and C. Metellus were consuls to the latter end of Aristobulus. It was that year that Jerusalem was taken by Pompey when C. Antionius and M. Tullius Cicero were consuls. Josephus allows 3 years and 3 months to Aristobulus. Therefore Hyrcanus must have ruled for about 3 years not three months. If we deduct 2 months from this then the time will be exact.

4373. About this time, they fought at Jericho and many of Hyrcanus' men defected to his brother Aristobulus. Hyrcanus fled into the citadel where the wife and children of Aristobulus had been placed by Alexandra his mother. The rest fled to the temple from fear of Aristobulus and surrendered a short time later. Finally the brothers came to a peace treaty. Aristobulus would rule and his brother would be allowed to lead a private life and enjoy that wealth he had gotten by his wits. They made this covenant in the temple and after all oaths were made, they embraced one another in the sight of the people. Aristobulus took over the court and Hyrcanus retired as a private person to Aristobulus' house. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 1.) Thus Aristobulus held the kingdom and chief priest's office for 3 years and 3 months. (Joseph. l. 20. c. 8.)

4374. Lucius Tullus and Aemilius Lepidus were consuls at the beginning of their consulship in January which was really October on the Julian calendar. At this time the senate set aside a law that was passed by the people the night before and sponsored by C. Manilus, a tribune of the people. The law stated that those servants who were freed should be allowed the same voting privileges as their masters. For this reason Manilus feared for his safety since he was only a mercenary and representative to those that were in power. To ingratiate Pompey, he proclaimed another law. This stated that the charge of the war with Tigranes and Mithridates along with the legions and provinces that were under Lucullus, Cilicia which was under the command of Marcius the sole consul and Bithynia under Acilius Glabrio should be handed over to Pompey. Also there would be no change in Pompey's maritime command. (Dio, l. 36. with Livy l. 100. Vellei. Pater. l. 2. c. 33. Asconio Pedian. in Ora. Cornelianam, & Plutarch in Pompey.)

4375. Livy noted that this law was past with great indignation from the nobility. It seemed to the senate no less than an obvious insult to Lucullus. Pompey was not sent to succeed him in the war so much as in the victory and to take possession of the spoils he had taken rather than the administration of the war. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Nor did it please those who were forced to recall Marcius and Acilius from their commands before the time they had given them had expired. (Dio. l. 36.) They were chiefly jealous of Pompey's power to whom by this means, the whole Roman empire was subjected. For those provinces which by the former Gabinian law, he did not control like Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis and Armenia, by this law were under his power. (Plutarch in Pompey.) Also he received power to make war and settle a peace and that he might by his own will, judge anyone his enemy or make any his friend and associate as he thought best. He had also the command of all the armies which were from Italy. No Roman before him had so much power. (Appian. p. 238.)

4376. At this time, Cicero who was then a praetor, made his speech for the Manilian law in the 23rd year after that cruel slaughter of the citizens of Rome which was perpetrated in Asia by Mithridates' order in one day:

``He now reigns, the 23rd year from that time and reigns so not as to hide himself in Pontus or Cappadocia but to break out and invade the tributaries and breathe your Asian air.''

[Soldier4Christ]

4377. Pompey was still following up on his victory over the pirates in Cilicia. However, Plutarch (in Pompey) stated that the war was ended and he had nothing to do and was visiting the cities around there. When he received letters from Rome, he knew what had happened there. His friends congratulated him on the news. However, he is reported to have frowned and struck his thigh as if he were already weary and discontented with his command. They all knew he really wanted that opportunity. (Plutarch in Pompey, Dio. l. 36.) Although he had formerly made a plan of sailing into Crete to Metellus, he forgot that now and all his maritime business as if there was nothing left undone. He applied himself fully to war with the barbarians. (Dio. l. 36.) He recalled the soldiers to him and requested the assistance of those kings and potentates he had received as friends. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4378. Tigranes the younger, the grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter, revolted from his father, Tigranes, and was defeated but not captured. He joined with the chief men who were discontented with his father and defected to Phraates, the king of the Parthians. (Livy l. 100. Appian. p. 242. Dio, l. 36.)

4379. Pompey continued in his war with Mithridates and renewed his league with Phraates, the king of Parthia (Livy.) on the same conditions which were previously offered with Sulla and Lucullus. Pompey (Lucan l. 8.) said this about that:

--If those pacts were sworn to me By th' Latian Thund'rer, continu'd be Which your own Magi joined--''

4380. According to agreement, Phraates with Tigranes the younger invaded Armenia which was subject to Tigranes. They advanced as far as Artaxata, overcoming all opposition on the way and besieged it. Tigranes the elder retired among the mountains from fear. (Dio.)

3938b AM, 4648 JP, 66 BC

4381. Pompey wanted to find out Mithridates' intentions and sent Metrophanes to him with very friendly proposals. Mithridates hoped that Phraates who was the new king of Parthia would have joined with him and rejected the proposals. When he knew that Phraates had a league with Pompey and was engaged to invade Armenia, he had second thoughts and immediately sent ambassadors with propositions of peace. Pompey required that he should lay down arms and surrender those that had revolted. (Dio.)

4382. As soon as Mithridates' army heard this, the runaways who were many in number, suspected they would be turned over and the barbarians thought they would have to continue the war without their help and rebelled. This would have been disastrous for Mithridates, had he not pretended that he sent his ambassadors to spy out the strength of the enemy rather than to desire peace. (Dio.) He swore moreover he would neither have friendship with the Romans because they were so covetous and neither would he surrender any of them or do anything unless it was for the common good. (Appian.)

4383. When Pompey was come into Galatia, Lucullus came to meet him (Dio.) at the citadel of Danala. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 567.) Lucullus, in respect of his age and dignity of his consulships was the better man but Pompey's dignity, in respect of the number of his commands and two triumphs that he had, was the greater of the two. Both of them had garlands of laurel carried before them in honour of their victories. Pompey's laurels were dead and withered because he had come a long journey through dry and squalid countries. When Lucullus' lictors saw this, they courteously presented him with some of theirs which were fresh and green. Pompey's friends looked on this sign of friendship as a good omen that he should carry the rewards of Lucullus' victories. (Plutarch in Lucullo & Pompey.)

4384. Lucullus told him that all things were already subdued and there was no reason for that expedition at all. Also he said that persons had come who were sent by the senate to settle affairs. He failed to persuade Pompey to go back and started to complain and slander him (Dio, l. 36.) so much so that there began to be a great argument between them. Pompey objected to Lucullus' covetousness and Lucullus about Pompey's insatiable desire for command. Neither of them could be accused of saying anything false in what they said. (Velleius Pater. l. 2. c. 33. Plutarch in Pompey.)

4385. For this reason Lucullus disposed of those lands he had taken from the enemy as he pleased and gave away many good gifts besides. Pompey sharply reproved him for this in that he settled and conferred honours and rewards while the enemy was not defeated. This was not normally done until the war was over. Pompey was offended and moved his camp a little further from him and ordered that no one should obey or come near Lucullus. He made a public edict and forbid the confirmation of Lucullus' acts or the council his officers should suggest. Since Pompey had the larger army, he was the most formidable. Pompey left him only 1600 for his triumph and took away all his soldiers. They were as useless to him by their rebellious behaviour as they were to Lucullus. (Plutarch in Pompey, & Lucullo.) Only the Valerian or Fimbrian legions served Pompey faithfully although they were rebellious with Lucullus. (Dio. l. 35, & 36.)

4386. Lucullus returned from there to Rome and brought along with him a good number of books which were part of his spoil from Pontus. (Isidor. Origin. l. 6. c. 3.) He placed them in his library which was always open to all people especially the Greeks. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) He was also the first one who brought cherries into Italy. (Pliny, l. 15. c. 25.) In spite of his poor treatment by Pompey, he was received very honourably by the senate. (Plutarch in Pompey.)

4387. When Metellus had defeated the island of Crete, he took away the laws from an island which before that time was free. (Livy l. 100.) He removed their liberty which they had for so long enjoyed, by imposing his taxes on them. (Velle. Patere. l. 2. c. 38.) Orosius (l. 6. c. 4.) stated that Metellus subdued that island in 2 year's time and wore it out with continual skirmishes. Eutropius (l. 6.) said that he overcame the whole country in 3 years in several large battles. Velleius Patere agrees with him and said (l. 2. c.34.) this:

``About that time the island of Crete was subdued by the Romans. They had resisted with an army of 24,000 young men who were pernicious with respect of their agility, patient in respect of labour and skilful in respect of the management of their arms. Under the command of Panares and Lasthenes, they had for 3 years together tired the Roman army.''

4388. L. Flaccus along with the commander-in-chief, bore the brunt of that war. (Cicero pro Flacco.) Caius Nasennius, a Suessan freeman, commanded the 8th century and was called the chief. (Cicero ad Brutum. epist. 8.) Cnius Plancius was a person very much approved by C. Sacerdos, the ambassador and by L. Flaccus. He was a soldier under C. Metellus. (Cicero pro Plantio.)

4389. Hence the men of Crete who were before free and had never yet known any foreign command, were brought under the yoke and Metellus received the name of Cretensis after them by the senate. (Dio. l. 36.)

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4390. Antipas who was also called Antipater, was the governor of Idumea and father to Herod, the king of Judea. He was a rich man, a trouble maker and energetic. He feared Aristobulus' power because of some grudges between them and he sided with Hyrcanus' party. When the secret aspersions of Aristobulus prevailed then Antipater stirred up the chief of the Jews to enter into a conspiracy against him. He suggested it would be very unwise to let Aristobulus occupy a position he had usurped by force and displaced his older brother and robbed him of the prerogative of his birth. Antipater worked away on Hyrcanus continually. He added that his very life was in danger unless he fled, for Aristobulus' friends were continually plotting how they should establish the authority on another when they had removed him out of the way. However, Hyrcanus was a good man and not easily moved by rumours and gave little credence to his information. His quiet disposition and gentleness of mind had given him the reputation of being slothful. However, Antipater continued to complain about his brother as if he had plans to kill him. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.)

4391. Phraates found the siege of Artaxata would likely last for a long time. He left part of his forces with Tigranes' son and returned home. (Dio. l. 36.)

4392. The nearer Spain was allocated to C. Julius Caesar when he was a quester. He was ordered by the praetor to travel about the various countries and decide matters of law. When he came to Gades, he saw in Hercules' temple, Alexander the Great's tomb. He was depressed that he had done nothing of note by the time he was 34 when Alexander had conquered the world. He became greatly depressed and begged that he might be sent back to Rome so that he might at the first opportunity attempt some noble thing. He left before his time and went to some Italian colonies that were in rebellion. He would have stirred them to do something, had not the consuls kept them in control with their legions which were raised to go into Cilicia. (Sueto, in Julio. Caesare, c. 7, 8.)

4393. Pompey controlled all the seas between Phoenicia and the Bosphorus with his navy. He advanced against Mithridates with a select army of 30,000 foot soldiers arranged in a phalanx for the safe keeping of his country. Plutarch said he also had 2000 (3000 Appian) cavalry. (Plut. in Pompey. Appian. p. 238.) Moreover that because Lucullus had recently pillaged that country, he had caused a great shortage of provisions for the enemy. Many fled to Pompey although Mithridates used all the severity he could to prevent this. He threw them down steep rocks or put out their eyes or burned them alive. This prevented many from defecting but they were very short of provisions. (Appian. p. 238.)

4394. Pompey placed some troops in ambush and sent out others to face the king's camp and provoke him to battle. They were ordered to turn and flee after they came out and thereby draw them into his trap. The king suspected it and drew out his foot soldiers. They might possibly have pursued them as far as their camp. This was the first skirmish between the cavalry. (Appian p. 238.)

4395. Mithridates was outnumbered and avoided fighting Pompey and destroyed the countries where he came. He tried by marching up and down to wear out his enemy or cause them a shortage of provisions. Pompey went into Armenia the Less, which was subject to Mithridates, partly to get food and partly to take it over since it was without enemy troops. Finally, Mithridates went there lest that province in his absence should fall into the hands of his enemies. (Dio. l. 36.)

4396. Mithridates camped on a strong and secure hill opposite his enemy. He stayed there quietly with his whole army and hoped to drive the Romans into distress by intercepting their provisions and thereby defeat them. Mithridates was in his own country and was well supplied from all parts. Under this hill there was a plain into which he sent some cavalry to encounter and cut off all they met. By this it happened that many defected from the enemy to him. (Dio. l. 36.)

4397. Pompey did not dare to attack the enemy in that place and moved his camp to another spacious area that was surrounded by woods. By this he secured himself from their troops and arrows. He laid ambush in a convenient place and he made a few advances and faced their camp. After raising a tumult, he drew the enemy from their works to the place he had planned and gave them a great defeat. By this victory, the Romans were encouraged and Pompey sent out others to the other parts of the country to bring in provisions. (Dio. l. 36.)

4398. Mithridates left the hill where he camped because he thought it was a barren, dry place. Pompey came and occupied it. When he saw how the plants grew so well and the hollowness of the place, he thought there must be water there. He ordered his troops to dig wells up and down the hill. They soon had so much water in their camp that he wondered why Mithridates had not found it long ago. (Plutarch.)

4399. Mithridates camped on a mountain near Dastira in Acilisena which had abundant water and not far from the Euphrates River which divides Acilisena and Armenia the Less. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.) Orosius wrote that Pompey blockaded the king's camp near the Dastrocus Mountain in Armenia the Less, (l. 6. c. 4.) and made a line around the king of about 18 miles. He built several citadels there so that he might intercept their foragers. The king did not hinder the work either from fear or folly which was often the forerunners of disaster. (Appian.) Mithridates was besieged for 45 days (Plutarch) but Appian said it was for 50 days. They could scarcely keep themselves alive after they had killed all the cattle they had and only spared the horses.

4400. Finally Mithridates knew that the enemy had been supplied with provisions and had captured a country in Armenia called Manaitin. Many of his men defected to Pompey and Marius' army along with the legions which Suetonius has said were raised for Cilicia where he was governor were coming to Pompey. Mithridates was afraid and planned to leave that country. (Dio.) He killed those who were sick and of no use and he went out in the night with the entire army very quietly and escaped. (Plutarch, Appian, and Orosius) He planned by marching in the night to go into Armenia the Greater which was subject to Tigranes (Dio.) and there to drive off Pompey if he pursued him. (Oros. l. 6. c. 4.)

4401. The next day, Pompey after much trouble caught up to him and attacked his rear. The king, in spite of his friends' advice, would not fight and was contented to beat back the enemy with some cavalry only. In the evening he retired into the woods. (Appian.)

4402. The next day, Mithridates occupied a village, that was surrounded by rocks on all sides and there was only one way in. He guarded that with 4 companies of foot soldiers. The Romans also guarded the entrance to prevent the escape of the king. (Appian.)

4403. When they were come to the borders Pompey feared Mithridates would get ahead of him and cross the Euphrates River and make his escape. He resolved to force a battle with them at night. (Plutarch & Dio.) He moved his camp and deceived the barbarians who rested until noon. He marched the same way they were to come. He occupied a convenient place among the hills and drew up his men into the highest parts of it and waited for the enemy. The barbarians did not suspect this and since the Romans did not fight with them, they did not even send scouts ahead to spy out their way. (Dio.)

4404. It is said that at that time Mithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of what was to happen. He seemed to be sailing with a fair wind in the Pontic sea and came within sight of the Bosphorus. He was overjoyed with certain and unquestionable safety and began pleasantly to accost those who carried him. Suddenly, he found himself deserted and tossed about on a small part of the ship. While he was thinking about this vision, his friends who were around him awoke him and told him that Pompey was near. Therefore he was forced to fight for his camp and brought out his army. Both sides drew into battle array. (Plutarch.)

4405. When Pompey saw that they were prepared for a fight, he thought it best not to fight in the night but to surround them so they could not escape. He could attack them next morning with his army which was much stronger. However the older and chief of his officers by their urging, provoked him to attack then. (Plutarch.)

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4406. Therefore, it was agreed that all the trumpets would sound a charge together. After this, the soldiers and the whole multitude would give a shout and then some would strike their spears against their brass vessels. The mountains echoed and made the noise more horrible. When the barbarians suddenly heard this in the night in a deserted place, they were exceedingly dismayed and supposed they were fallen into some misery inflicted by the gods. In the meantime, the Romans from above threw down stones, arrows and darts on every side. Since there were so many barbarians almost every object hit someone. After they had shot all their arrows, they ran down violently on the barbarians. They were kicking and pressing each other forward and were killed and not able to defend themselves nor attack the enemy. Most of them were cavalry men and archers who could do little in the dark and in confined a space. (Dio.)

4407. As soon as the moon was up, the barbarians thought they might repel the enemy in its light and were encouraged. This might have helped them but the moon was on the Romans' backs. As the moon began to set and their shadows appeared long ahead of their bodies and close to the enemy. They judged their distance by these long shadows and shot arrows not far enough to hit the Romans. The Romans later attacked them and easily defeated them. (Dio. cum Flo. Plut. & Eutrop.)

4408. This battle was in the night. (Livy, l. 100, Florus l. 3, Plutarch in Pompey, Dio l. 36, Eutropius l. 6. Orosius l. 6. c. 4.) Only Appian says it was in the day and happened like this. Both armies were drawn up early in the morning and some soldiers from both sides advanced and skirmished among the rocks. Some of the king's cavalry men came running on foot without orders to relieve their fellow soldiers. They were charged by a large number of the Roman cavalry and they ran back in one company to their tents to get their horses to better confront their enemy. The Pontics who were on guard, saw from an high place the noise and haste as they ran and thought their camp had been breached in some other part and that was the reason of their flight. They threw away their arms and fled but there was nowhere to escape. They ran afoul of one another until by their crowding they threw themselves down the rocks. It was easy for Pompey to perform the rest and to kill and take them prisoners that were unarmed and so entangled among the rocks. There were 10,000 slain and their camp was taken along with all their ammunition and baggage. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 239, 240.)

4409. Plutarch stated that many more than 10,000 were killed. Dio said that there were very many killed and as many taken prisoners. Eurtopius stated the total was 40,000. Orosius stated there were this many either killed or captured. Eutropius says Pompey lost only 20 or 30 of his men and 2 of his captains. Orosius stated the Romans had 1000 wounded and about 40 killed.

4410. Mithridates with a troop of 800 cavalry broke through the Roman lines. Finally the rest abandoned him and he was left with only 3 in his company. Hypsicratia was one of these whom the king called Hypsicrates because of her masculine spirit. Plutarch calls her his concubine but Valer. Maxim. and Eutropius said she was his wife. Although she wore a Persian man's cloths and rode on horseback, yet she was neither tired by the tediousness of her own flight nor with the care and solicitousness of the king. (Plutarch, Valer. Maxim. l. 4. c. 6. Eutropius, l. 6.) His daughter Dripetine, accompanied him in this distressing time. She was born to him by Laodice the queen but was very deformed by a double row of teeth. (Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 8.)

4411. Hence the king escaped through the confusion of the battle and was helped by a clear night. He lead his horse by his hand when he came into places and trembled at every noise he heard. (Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) Finally, he came to some mercenary cavalry and 3,000 foot solders and was escorted into the citadel of Sinoria where he had stored much money. (Appian.) Plutarch calls the citadel Inora, Strabo, Sinoria or Synoria and it was located on the border of Armenia the Greater and the Less. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.)

4412. He gave gifts and a year's pay to those who had escorted him in his flight. He took (Appian) 6000 talents along with him. He also gave expensive garments to those that came to him from the rout. He also gave deadly poison to his friends to carry about with them lest any of them should fall into the enemy's hands. From there he marched into Armenia to Tigranes. (Plutarch.)

4413. Tigranes was pestered by the ambassadors from Mithridates and would not receive Mithridates but threw his ambassadors into prison. He pretended that Mithridates was the cause of his son's rebellion. Thus Mithridates' hopes were frustrated. He crossed over the Euphrates River and fled into Colchis (Plutarch. Appian. Dio.) which was formerly subject to him. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.)

4414. He did not stop and on the 4th day he crossed the Euphrates River. They armed themselves for 3 days and assigned those troops he had with him or who came to him. He attacked Chotenis the chief town in Armenia because the Chotenians and Iberians had tried to impede the march with slings and arrows but he was able to gotcha76 their attack. Then he advanced to the Absarus River. (Appian.)

4415. Pompey sent out troops to pursue Mithridates but he had crossed the Phasis River and escaped. So Pompey built a city in the same place where he won his victory (Dio. l. 36.) between the two rivers which had their source in the same mountain. These were the Euphrates and Araxes Rivers which are located in the Lesser Armenia and for that reason he called the city, Nicopolis. He gave this city with the consent of his soldiers to those who were old or lame or sick or wounded or disbanded. Many of the neighbours moved there also and the Nicopolitans lived after the customs of the Cappadocians. (Dio. l.36. & Strabo, l. 12. p. 555. & Appian. p. 243, 251. & Oros. l. 6. c. 4.)

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4416. Tigranes, the father, advanced against Tigranes, his son, who was left alone to besiege the Artaxati and defeated him. He fled first toward Mithridates, his grandfather. When he heard that he also was defeated and was likely in more need of help than being able to help him, Tigranes defected to the Romans. (Dio. l. 36.) He was willing to help them, even though he was the grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter. (Appian.) He met Pompey at the Araxes River (Plutarch.) and guided Pompey and his army into Armenia against his father who was considered a confederate of Mithridates. (Dio. l. 36.) They went to Artaxatis to the court of Tigranes. (Appian.)

4417. When Tigranes, the father, knew of this he was exceedingly terrified. He heard that Pompey was of a gentle and pleasant nature and he sent a trumpeter to him and by him turned over Mithridates' ambassadors that he imprisoned. His son prevented him from obtaining any tolerable conditions and Pompey nevertheless crossed the Araxis River and approached near to Arraxatis. Finally Tigranes surrendered the city and all the garrison was in it. He with his friends and kindred went out to meet Pompey without sending so much as an herald before them. He surrendered all his right into his hands and appealing to him for justice against his son. (Plutarch. Appian. Dio.)

4418. So that he might appear to Pompey worthy of respect and compassion, he said he would retain a mediocre position between his former dignity and his present misery. He had taken off his gown that was half white and his royal robe of purple but wore his diadem and the ornaments for his head. (Dio.) When Pompey sent the captains and officers of his cavalry to meet and honour him, his friends that were with him, fled for they worried about their security because they had sent no heralds ahead of them. (Appian.)

4419. When Tigranes came to Pompey's camp which was 16 miles away from Arraxatis, two lictors from Pompey came to him and ordered him to get off his horse. According to the customs of his country he had entered the very works, for no man living was ever seen to enter the Roman camp on horse back. Tigranes obeyed and unbuckled his sword and delivered it to them. (Eutr. Plut. & Dio.) Pompey saw him enter on foot after he had thrown away his crown. He prostrated him himself on the ground according to the custom of the barbarians. Pompey was touched with compassion and he ran over to him. He caught him by the hand and lifted him up and put on his crown again that he had cast away. Pompey ordered him to sit down on one side of him and his son on the other side. Tigranes' son did not rise up to greet his father nor show him any respect. (Cicero pro P. Sextio. Eutrop. l. 6. Dio. Appian & Plutarch. in Pompey & Lucul. & Cimonis collatione.)

4420. Tigranes surrendered himself and his kingdom to Pompey, for he had previously stated that there was no man in Rome or any other country that he would have surrendered to except Pompey. He said that he would be content with whatever happened to him, whether it was good or bad. He also said that it was no disparagement to be conquered by him, whom it was a sin to conquer, nor was it dishonourable to submit to him whom fortune had exalted above everyone. (Vel. Pater. l. 2. c. 37.) He and his son were later invited by Pompey to supper but the son excused himself and gave Pompey a reason to be offended at him. (Dio.)

4421. The next day after their disputes were heard, Pompey restored the kingdom of Armenia, (the ancient possession of his forefathers,) to Tigranes, the elder. Strabo stated he added the greatest and best part of Mesopotamia (l. 16. p. 747.) and took away those countries he had gained in the war. He imposed a fine of 6000 talents of silver on him which was to be paid to the people of Rome because he had waged war with them without a cause. He gave his son the command of Gordena and Sophena with the freedom of joining the rest of Armenia to it when his father died. He gave the treasure in Sophena, (a country in the borders of Armenia) to the father otherwise he would not be able to pay his fine. (Cicero, Velles. Pater. Plut. Appian. Dio. & Eutrop. as was said before.)

4422. Tigranes, the father, was very glad for these conditions and that he was called a king by the Romans. He left and went through Cappadocia, some parts of Cilicia, and all of Syria and Phoenicia from the Euphrates River to the sea. He controlled these provinces with part of Cilicia when he had driven out Antiochus Pius. (Livy, l. 101. Vellei. Patercul. l. 2. c. 37. Plutarch, Appian, Dio, & Eutrop.)

4423. Tigranes, the younger, was badly disappointed and plotted to escape. Pompey knew of this and restrained him but with liberty to move around. He sent messengers to those that kept the money, to demand it for Tigranes the elder. They refused and stated they only took orders from Tigranes the younger whom they thought this country belonged to. Tigranes was sent to the citadel and was shut out. Against his will, he ordered them to open to him, but the keepers refused and said he only made the order because Pompey forced him to. Pompey was displeased and chained the younger Tigranes and finally got the treasure for his father. (Dio. l. 36.)

4424. Appian said that the Armenians who deserted the king on his journey to the Roman camp, asked his son who stayed with Pompey to dispose of his father but he was taken and put in irons. However, when he was bound, through his messengers he persuaded the Parthians to fight the Romans and pretended he was imprisoned for the triumph.

4425. After the father received his money, he gave a greater portion of money than was agreed on by Pompey. He freely gave to every soldier, 50 groats, or (as Strabo says) 150, to every captain 1000, every colonel 10,000, or (as Strabo and Plutarch have it) a talent, which is but 6000 drachmas. By this he was counted among the friends and confederates of the people of Rome. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 530. Plutarch. Appian, Dio.) Pompey delivered the money due to the people of Rome, according to his custom, to the treasurer for the public use. (Velei. Pater. l. 2. c. 37.)

4426. Pompey gave Ariobarzanes the whole kingdom of Cappadocia, Sophena and Gordena, which he had first assigned to Tigranes the younger. This area was later called the province of Cappadocia. Pompey also gave him Cabala, (or Gabala) a city of Cilicia and some others which Ariobarzanes later left entirely to his sons. (Appian. p. 243, 244.)