THE ANNALS THE WORLD

[Soldier4Christ]

3926a AM, 4635 JP, 79 BC

4075. Alexander Jannaeus died in the garrisons from his fever and exhausion from his battles. He reigned 27 years. At that time, he was besieging Ragaba citadel which is located beyond Jordan. On his death bed, he advised his wife Alexandra, to hide his death for a while from the soldiers and that after she returned victorious to Jerusalem, she should give the Pharisees a little more freedom than normal. The Pharisess had a large influence on the Jews, when they wanted to, either as a friend or as an enemy. The common people placed much confidence in them, though they were prone through envy to impeach any man. Alexander was disliked by the Jews because he had offended the Pharisees. Therefore, he persuaded her that she should yield that they might have his funeral and that she would not do anything in matters of government without their knowledge and approval. Hence he would receive an honourable burial and she and her son would reign without problems. (Joseph l. 1. Bell. Judaic. c. 4. & l. 13. Antiq. c. 23. cf. l. 20. c. 8.)

3926b AM, 4636 JP, 78 BC

4076. Queen Alexandra, also called Selena by ecclesiastical writers, captured the citadel of Ragaba. She did everything her husband requested. She let the Pharisees make the funeral arrangements and control the kingdom. Thereby she made them her friends who before were her worst enemies. The Pharisees assembled the common people and made a speech to them. They praised the famous exploits of Alexander and bemoaned what a good king they had lost. They so affected the people that they all grieved in their hearts and cried. No king before him had such a stately funeral. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 24.)

4077. When Alexander was dying, he made his will. He left the administration of the kingdom to his wife Alexandra and also the election of the high priest to her discretion. She declared Hyrcanus, her oldest son, as high priest. She did not do this because he was the oldest but he was quite pliable and would not threaten her power in any way. Her younger son, Aristobulus, was quite content to live as a private citizen and he had a more fiery disposition than his brother. She governed the kingdom for 9 years, while her son Hyrcanus held the high priesthood. She was very gracious with the people because of the favour she was in with the Pharisees and she seemed to be greatly troubled by her husband's excesses. She was a queen in name only for the Pharisees managed all the state affairs. The people were expressly charged to obey them. So that, she restored all the laws which Hyrcanus her father-in-law had set aside that were made by the Pharisees according to the traditions of their elders. The Pharisees ordered the recall of all the exiles and for the release of prisoners. She managed some things and directly maintained a large number of mercenary soldiers. She increased her strength so much that she was a formidable force to the neighbouring princes and took hostages from them. (Josephus Antiq. l. 13. c. 24. cf. l. 26. c. 8. & l. 1. Belli. c. 4.)

4078. Mithridates restored all Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes according to Sulla's orders. After this he sent embassies to Rome to get the articles of the peace to be ratified. (Appian. p. 216.)

4079. When M. Lepidus, and Q. Catulus were consuls, Sulla died. (Livy l. 90. Appian. l. 1. Bell. Civil. p. 416.) He finished the 22nd book of his commentaries, two days before his death. He said that the Chaldeans had foretold to him that after he had lived very splendidly for a while, he would die in the height of his greatness. (Plutarch in Sulla.) He bequeathed in his will his commentaries to Lucullus. On his death bed, he appointed him as the guardian to his son and did not appoint Pompey. This was thought to be the cause of the animosity between Pompey and Lucullus in the desire for greatness. (Plutarch in Lucullo.)

4080. M. Cicero had been 6 months at Athens with Antiochus Ascalonita. He was a most famous and wise philosopher of the ancient academies and along with Demetrius Syrus, a well experienced and extaordinary orator. When Cicero heard of Sulla's death, he sailed into Asia and travelled across that country. He exercised his gift of oratory with the best orators in those parts. The best of them were, Menippus a Stratonician (surnamed Catocas of Caria) Dionysius Magnes, Aeschylus a Cnidian and Xenocles an Adramyttean. (Cicero in Bruto, & Plutarch in Cocerone cf. Strabo l. 13. p. 614. & l. 14. p. 660. and with Diogenes Latertius in Menippo.)

4081. At the same time, a certain woman of Miletum was sentenced to death, for she had induced an abortion by some medicines. She was paid to do this by those who were the second heirs of her estate. She got what she deserved for by that action she destroyed her hope of being a parent. Her name would not be carried on and she would not have the support of a son or daughter, the heir of a family and in all likelihood, a citizen of the state. (Cicero pro Aulo Cluentio.)

4082. P. Servilius, the proconsul, subdued Cilicia. He overwhelmed the pirates' lightly armed ships with his large warships and obtained a bloody victory over them. (Livy l. 90. Flor. l. 3. c. 6. Eutrop. l. 6.) He attacked Cilicia and Pamphylia with such force that he almost utterly destroyed them when he only wanted to subdue them. (Oros. l. 5. c. 23.)

4083. When Julius Caesar heard of the news of Sulla's death, he left Cilicia and returned quickly to Rome. (Sueton in Julio, c. 3.)

4084. When Sulla was dead, Mithridates heard nothing from the magistrates at Rome concerning his embassy he sent to the senate. The king bribed Tigranes, his son-in-law, to invade Cappadocia. The plot was not done that secretly since the Romans had an idea of what was going on. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 216.) Salust (l. 1 histor.) mentions L. Philippus, in a speech of his at that time before the senate against Lepidus. He said this:

``Mithridates lies at the borders of our revenues which while we yet enjoy, he is watching for an opportunity to make war on us.''

3927a AM, 4636 JP, 78 BC

4085. Tigranes surrounded Cappadocia so none could escape from him. He brought away with him from there about 300,000 men and carried them into Armenia and gave them places with others to live. One place was the city where he was crowned king of Armenia called Tigranocerta, that is, the city of Tigranes. (Id. ibid.) He built that city between Iberia and Zugma, which lies near the Euphrates River and populated with those men he deported from the 12 cities of Greece which he had conquered. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 532.) In that city there was a number of Greeks who were driven out of Cilicia and many barbarians who shared the same fate as the Greeks. He resettled the Adiabenians, Assyrians, Gordyens and Cappadocians there after he had wasted their various countries. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) At this same time as he wasted Cappadocia with his raids, he drove the Mazacenians from their land. He deported them to Mesopotamia and populated the larger part of Tigranocerta with those inhabitants. (Strabo, l. 12. c. 539.)

4086. Geminus, an excellent mathematician, wrote his book of astronomy from which Proclus' Sphaere is taken. Geminus' book was written 120 years after the Egyptians celebrated the festival of Isia. This happened according to Eudoxus on the winter solstice or the 28th of December. (Strabo c. 6. See note on 3807a AM <<3012>>.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3927b AM, 4637 JP, 77 BC

4087. When M. Cicero came to Rhodes, he studied under Molon whom he had previously heard at Rome. Molon was an excellent lawyer for honest causes and a good writer. He was also very discreet in correcting and noting faults and a wise instructor. In teaching Cicero, he did the best he could to keep Cicero on the right way and to repress in him his youthful licentiousness and excesses. (Cicero in Bruto.)

4088. At the same time Apollonius, a great teacher of oratory became famous. Strabo surnames him Mklakos, or "the soft", and others called him, Molo. This is the reason that some, including Quintilian (l. 12. c. 6.) confused him with the other Molon. They were both Alabandians from Caria and students of Menecles the Alabandsan. They both came from his school and practised their art at Rhodes. Molon came there later than the other and this was the reason why Apollonius named him like Homer, Osyimolan (Strabo, l. 14. p. 655, 660, 661.) Cicero always called one of them Molon and the other (l. 1. de oratore) he called Apollonius the Alabandian. M. Antonius is brought in speaking of him thus:

``For this one thing, I have always liked that famous teacher, Apollonius the Alabandian. Although he taught for money, yet he did not allow any whom he thought incapable of being made an orator, to waste their time with him but sent them home again. His custom was to exhort and persuade everyone to apply himself to that art whom he judged most fit and inclined to it.''

4089. It is reported about Apollonius, that he was not well versed in Latin and he desired Cicero to speak in Greek. Cicero was satisfied with the request and thought that Apollonius would be better able to correct his mistakes. While others stood in amazement and admired Cicero and others strived to out do one another in praising him, Apollonius was noted not to look cheerfully anytime while Cicero was speaking. When he had finished speaking, Apollonius thought for a good time and looked as if he were musing and pensive. At last, when he knew that Cicero noted his behaviour he said:

``Truly, Cicero I commend and admire you. Yet I cannot but pity Greece's condition when I see that the only two things of value which were left to us, learning and eloquence, also should be by you carried away to the Romans.'' (Plutarch in Cicero.)

4090. Cicero heard Posidonius, the philosopher at Rhodes, as Plutarch stated and Cicero includes himself in those that were taught by him. (in l. 1. de natura Deorum, & l. de fato.) Posidonius was a philosopher of the Stoic sect and was born at Apamea in Syria. In time he was made a citizen of Rhodes. He was called a Rhodian. (Strabo, l. 14. p. 654. Athenaeus l. 6. c. 6.) However, Josephus wrote that Posidonius and Apollonius of Malon, or Molon (as it is written elsewhere) gave Apion the grammarian the material for those stories concerning the Jews and their temple. (l. 2. contra Apion, p. 1065.) By the name of the first, he means this Posidonius the Apamenian, Cicero's teacher in the Stoic philosophy, from the books of whose histories, we have quoted so many passages previously. By the name of the latter he means that Apollonius whom we spoke last of or rather that Molon his equal. Cicero (in his Bruto) stated that Molon was among the writers and by some he is deemed to be one and the same person with that Apollonius.

4091. P. Servilius, the proconsul in Cilicia, subdued some cities of the pirates. (Livy l. 93.) He demolished the city Isaura and destroyed many forts which the pirates held along the sea coast. Strabo says that he had seen Servilius. (l. 12. p. 568, 569. & l. 14. p. 665.) He took Lycia also and its cities of note. He besieged them and forced them to surrender. In addition, he roved all over the mountain of Olympus and levelled to the ground three large cities, Olympus, Phaselis and Corycum. He was the first of any Romans that led an army through the Taurus Mountains. He made it the end of his march and controlled the side of the mountains which faced Cilicia. He brought the Isauri who were quite worn out from the wars, under the power of the Romans. (Oros. l. 5. c. 23. cf. Florus, l. 3. c. 6. & Salust. l. 1. Histor. apud Priscianum l. 15. & Asconuis Pedianus, in 3. Verrinam & Eutropius. l. 6.) Cicero in his first and second Agraria, confirmed that the countries of the Attalians, Phaselians, Olympians, Agarenses, Orindians and Gedusians were added to the people of Rome by Servilius' victory. Cicero (in 40 contra Verrim l.) adds this passage particularly concerning Phaselis. Phaselis which P. Servilius took was not at first a city of Cilicians and thieves. The Lycians, who were Greeks, lived there. Since it had a good location and was so high and strong, the pirates who came from Sicily resorted there. The pirates were associated with that town, first by commerce, and later by an alliance.

3928 AM, 4638 JP, 76 BC

4092. L. Magius and L. Fannius were renegades from Fimbria's army and allied themselves with Mithridates. They persuaded him to ally himself with Sertorius who was then fighting to subdue a Spanish rebellion against the Romans. Mithridates sent these two men as his ambassadors with letters to Sertorius and promised him a supply of money and ships for the war and in return he wanted him to confirm all of Asia to him. Mithridates had surrendered Asia to the Romans according to the articles of peace between him and Sulla.

4093. The ambassadors came to Italy in that small ship which the Mindians bought from Verres. From there they hurried to get to Sertorius. The senate declared them as enemies to the state and ordered them to be apprehended. In spite of all that they came safely to Sertorius. He assembled his friends and called the meeting his senate. He would not allow those conditions although all the rest were favourable. He denied that he would ever give away Asia which Mithridates had unjustly taken from the Romans and Fimbria had recaptured in war. He referred back to the articles with Sulla which said Asia should never be under Mithridates' power again. Sertorius would allow Mithridates to keep Bithynia and Cappadocia, which had always been under his command and did not at all belong to the people of Rome. An alliance based on the following terms was concluded between them and confirmed by mutual oaths. Mithridates should supply Sertorius with 3000 talents and 40 ships. Sertorius in return should make him a grant of Cappadocia and Bithynia. (In addition Appian adds, Paphlagonia and Galatia and even all Asia.) Sertorius should send him a general and soldiers. Sertorius sent to Asia, M. Marius as a general for Mithridates. (Appian calls him, Varius.) He was one of the banished senators. He sent with him Lucius Magius and Lucius Fannius to be his advisers. They sailed from Dianiusm, a sea town of Spain and arrived at Sinope in Pontus where Mithridates was. When they told the king that Sertorius had denied him Asia, the king said to his friends:

[Soldier4Christ]

``What will Sertorius sitting in his palace demand after this? Although he is as far away from us as the Atlantic Ocean, he thinks he can set the boundaries of our kingdom and denounce us if we should attempt to recapture Asia?''

4094. In spite of all this, Marcus Marius made a league with him agreeable to Sulla's peace treaty. The king kept Marius with himself and in a very short time made him a general in the place of Archelaus who had deserted him and defected to Sulla. (Cicero, pro lege Manilia. & pro Murena, item. act. in Verrem, l. 1. cf. Asconius Pedianus in eundem. Livy l. 93. Plutarch in Sertorio. Appian in Mithridatic. p. 216, 217. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

4095. The capitol was rebuilt which was destroyed 7 years earlier by fire along with the books of Sibylla. C. Curio, the consul, asked the senate that some ambassadors should be sent to Erythrae, who were to get the Sibylla's verses again and bring them to Rome. P. Gabinius, M. Otacillius and L. Valerius were sent on that errand. They got those verses transcribed by private hands and brought them to Rome. Curio and Octavius, the consuls, stored them in the capitol which was repaired again by Q. Catulus. (Fenestella, quoted by Lactantius, l. 1. institut. c. 6. & l. de ira Dei c. 22.) Based on this account, Varro says that Etythrae's was believed to have written those books of the Sibylla which the Romans had copied. He thinks this because those verses were found on the island of Erythaea after Apollo's temple was burned where the books were normally kept. If we may credit Servius. (in Aeneid. 6.) For the temple which was burnt was not Apollo's but Jupiter Capitolinus' temple. After the temple was repaired, ambassadors were sent by order of the senate to Erythrae in Asia to get those verses transcribed. However those books which were afterward still extant and were brought to Rome. These came not only from Erythrae but also they were procured from other Italian and Greek cities. In addition they were found in private men's libraries under whatever name the Sibylla's books went by. In these books were many things that were found to be suppositions. The differences in the books were called acrostics. This we determine from Varro's own books of divine things as related by Dionysius Halicarnasseus, (l. 4. Antiquit. Roman) and by Lactantius Firmianus. (l. 1. in Instit. c. 6.) Tacitus (l. 6. Annal.) declared that:

``Where the verses of Sibylla differed, the correct rendering was contended for in Samos, Troy, Erythrae and through all Africa, Sicily and the Italian colonies. The priests were responsible to take all the care that mortal men could take, to discover the true from the false.''

4096. Pliny (Natural History, l. 2. c. 35.) stated that in the time when Cn. Octavius and Cn. Scribonius Curio were consuls, Licinius Syllanus proconsul and his company saw a spark fall from a star. It increased in size as it came nearer the earth and became as large as the moon and gave off as much light as if it had been a cloudy day. When it went up toward the heaven again it grew into the shape of a lamp. Since Syllanus is not a Roman surname, Pigvius thought that instead of Licinius Syllanus in Pliny it should be L. Junius Syllanus. Junius, who about this time, was sent with the authority of a proconsul into Asia to replace Cn. Nero, with his company and may have been eye witnesses of this sign.

3929a AM, 4638 JP, 76 BC

4097. Nicomedes King of Bithynia died without any descendants and gave his kingdom to the people of Rome in his will. Thereupon his kingdom was reorganised into a province. (Livy l. 93. Vellei. Patercul. l. 2. c. 4. & 39. Appian. l. 1. Bell. Civil. p. 420, & Mithridatic. p. 175. & 218.) Concerning this, Mithridates' complaint about the Romans in a letter to Arsaces said this: (l. 4. Salust. histor.)

``After Nicomedis was dead, they rifled all Bithynia, notwithstanding his son Musa whom he made king and was beyond all question alive then.''

4098. In the same year, which ended the 176th Olympiad, the Romans added Cyrene to their empire. Ptolemy Apion, its king and who was of the family of Lagidarus, bequeathed it to the Romans. (Appian in his 1. l. bell. civil. p. 420.) Appian adding at the end of books on the Mithridatics, that this king was a bastard of the family of the Lagi. Appian showed that he was the same person as Justin related (l. 39. c. 5.) to be the son of a courtesan and who turned over Cyrene to the Romans. However he added that part of Lybia was made a province whereas we have learned before from Livy (See note on 3908 AM <<3700>>) that after Ptolemy Apion's death, the senate of Rome enfranchised all the cities of the kingdom of Cyrene. It seems at that time, they may have received their grant of freedom but now were established as a province. At that time:

``Ptolemy, the king of Cyrene on his death bed, made the Romans his heirs in his will in the first year of the 171st Olympiad.''

4099. After this:

``Lybia was left to the Romans as a legacy by King Apion.''

4100. This was in the 4th year of the 178th Olympiad, as Hierom has noted. (in Chronico Eusebiano.) This was almost 11 years later than Appion's accounts here require. Eutropius has related this very thing 9 years later at the time of Caecilius Metellus' Cretian triumph. At that time, (as he says in the sixth of his Breviary) he stated"

``Lybia also was annexed to the Roman empire by the last will of Apion, who was its king. Berenice, Ptolemais and Cyrene, were its largest cities.''

4101. Jornandes, (in l. de regn. & tempor. succes.) wrote about this matter.

``Lybia, that is to say, all Pentapolis was granted to the Romans by that first Ptolemy. It later rebelled and in Apion's last will it was given to the people of Rome.''

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4102. Before him, Sixtus Rufus in his Breviary stated:

``We were beholden to Ptolemy the elder's bounty for Cyrene and the other cities of Lybia's Pentapolis. Lybia came to be ours by King Apion's last will and testament,''

4103. Ammianus Marcellinus followed him.

``We obtained the dryer parts of Lybia by King Appian's last will. Ptolemy gave us Cyrene and the other cities of Lybia's Pentapolis.''

4104. The learned Valerius noted on this event, who explained this history. He denied that there were two Ptolemy Apions. In addition Cicero (in 2 Agrarias) mentioned the

``Cyrenian lands which were Apion's.''

4105. Cornelius Tacitus (Annal. l. 14.) stated:

``The land which was once King Apion's and by him bequeathed to the people of Rome together with his kingdom.''

4106. The remainder of this summer, and the whole winter following, Mithridates spent in preparation for war against the Romans. He cut timber, built ships and made arms. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 217.) He reduced his forces to the minimum and he sent away the rabble from the multitudes. The barbarians stole all weapons that were guilded and set with precious stones. Mithridates replaced these with swords similar to the Roman ones and made good substantial shields. He assembled a well managed and experienced cavalry rather than those who were neat and handsome. In addition, he built ships that were not guilded with Cabbius guild or baths for courtesans or delicate rooms to keep his women in but were equipped with arms, arrows and money. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) He carried to sea 200 myriads of Medimna's of grain. He had forces readily available in addition to his old forces: Chalibians, Armenians, Scythians, Taurians, Acheians, Heniochians, Lencosyrians and those who live near the Thermodoon River and were commonly called the land of the Amazons. His old forces came to him from Asia. He had supplies also from beyond sea from Europe, Sarmatians, Basilians, Jazygians, Corallians, Thracians and all the nations which lived around the Ister River and the mountains of Rhodope and Aemus. The Basternians also helped him who were the most gallant men and bravest of them all. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 217.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3929b AM, 4639 JP, 75 BC

4107. Julius Caesar was a young man of 25 years of age. He planned to sail to Rhodes with the intention of studying under Apollonius Molon who was the most eminent teacher of oratory at that time. On his way in the winter time, the pirates captured him near the island of Pharmacusa, which lies near the Asian shore north of Miletum. The pirates were so well equipped with ships that they controlled the seas. When the pirates demanded 20 talents from him for his ransom, Caesar laughed at them because they did not know how important a man he was. He promised that he would give them 50 talents. He immediately sent his companions and servants to the cities of Asia to get the money for his release. He retained with him only a physician and two others to attend to his personal needs. He was alone with these 3 for 38 days with a company of Cilicians who were the most savage people in the world. He behaved himself so well that he struck both a terror and a reverence into them. He did not remove his shoes or unclothed himself in case there should happen to be some extraordinary change of appearance and they would suspect him of something. He had no guard other than their eyes. Whenever he went to rest, he sent one to them to tell them to be quiet. He would play and exercise with them as if they had been in his retinue and not a prisoner of theirs. He wrote verses and orations which he spoke to them. If any of them did not admire and applaud them, he would publicly call them dull fellows, barbarians and often in a merriment would threaten to hang them. They were very well pleased with his humour and attributed that freeness of his speech to his simplicity and youth. (Vellei Patercul. l. 2. c. 41. Sueton in Julio. c. 4. Plutarch in Caio. Casare.) It is reported that while he was in custody he cried out:

``O Crassus, how wilt thou be tickled in the heart, when thou shalt receive tidings of my captivity.'' (Plutarch in M.Crasso.)

4108. The money from all the cities was brought from Miletum to Caesar. Caesar would not pay the 50 talents until he had forced the pirates to release the hostages to the cities. After this, he was placed on shore. The next night he got such a fleet as he could quickly assemble, and sailed from the port of the Milesians. He went toward the same island where the pirates where still anchored. He forced part of their fleet to flee and other ships he sank. He captured the rest of the ships with their crews. He was overjoyed with the victory of the night's expedition and he returned to his company the pirate's money he had seized as his own booty. He imprisoned the pirates at Pergamos. When he had finished that, he went to Junius, the proconsul of Asia who was in Bithynia. Junius had command of Asia and Bithynia which was recently established as a province. He demanded that justice might be done on the captives and had them crucified. This he had foretold the pirates when he was a prisoner and they though he was just joking. (Patercul. l. 2. c. 42. Sweton. & Plutarch in M. Crasso.) Before he captured them, he had sworn that he would crucify them. He first ordered their throats to be cut and then to be fastened to the cross. (Sueton. c. 74.)

4109. As spring was arriving, the third Mithridatic war was started. It lasted for 11 and an half years and ended with the death of Mithridates. Mithridates assembled all his fleets together and sacrificed as was his custom to Jupiter, powerful in battle. He drowned his chariot and horses in the sea as a sacrifice to Neptune. After this he hurried to Paphlagonia with Taxiles and Hermocrates the generals of his army. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 217, 218.) He had in his army 120,000 (or 140,000 as Appian has it) foot soldiers who were trained according to Roman discipline. He had 16,000 cavalry and 100 chariots with scythes. Another large company followed the camp who were to guard the ways, carry burdens. (Plutach in Lucullo.)

4110. As soon as Mithridates arrived at Paphlagonia, he made an haughty speech to the soldiers. When he saw that he had aroused their hatred of the Romans, he invaded Bithynia which was recently bequeathed to the Romans by Nicomede's will. (Appian. p. 218.) Livy said that Mithridates got it all into his hands (l. 93.) and Plutarch (in Lucullo) said that he was very willingly greeted by all the cities of Bithynia.

4111. All Asia was most intolerably oppressed by the hard usages of money lenders and tax collectors and it defected to Mithridates, (Plutarch in Lucullo) He with M. Marius or Varius whom Sertorius had sent to him from Spain to be his general, captured some of its cities. When they entered the cities, the king put Marius ahead of him with the rods and axes as if he were the supreme magistrate. The king followed behind as if he were one of his officers. Some of the cities he enfranchised upon his own terms. He granted to others the immunities but he said they were not granted from him but from Sertorius. Thus Asia which was plagued before with the tax collectors and oppressed by the covetousness and abuses of the garrisoned soldiers, began to be encouraged by this change of government. (Plutarch. in Sertorio.)

4112. Julius Caesar saw what havock Mithridates made in the adjacent countries and was ashamed to sit idly by when the allies were in such trouble. He left Rhodes where he had gone and passed over to Asia. He assembled what forces he could and he drove the king's lieutenant clear out of the province. By this he kept the cities loyal to Rome which before were wavering and ready to revolt. (Sueton, in Julio, c. 4.) Although Junius whom the people of Rome had appointed as their chief magistrate in Asia, hindered Mithridates very little in his undertakings because he was a coward. (Vellei Patercul. l. 2. c. 42.)

4113. Eutropious and Orosius, (from Livy) state that P. Servilius ended the war in Cilicia and Pamphylia within three years and because of this he was called "Isauricus". In Cicero (l. 3. in Verrem ) (which speech is called, "Oratio Frumentaria") he is said to have commanded the army for 7 years. Thereupon we have referred his first going into the province to the year before this 5th year in which also he was consul. Cicero (l. 5. contra. Verem), affirmed that this man took more of the robber's commanders alive than all those had done who came before him. Among the rest, he recaptured Nico, a famous pirate who had broken his chains and escaped with the same gallantry that he had when he first took him prisoner. Ammianus Marcellinus (in l. 14. Historiar.) wrote:

``Cilicia and Isauria were mutually engaged in a war of piracy and had some troops of land robbers. Servilius the proconsul, made them submit to him and after that he made them a tributary.''

4114. Jornandes (l. de regnorum ac temporum succession), wrote that Servilius overcame Pamphylia, Lycia, (or rather Cilicia, and Pisidia) and reduced them all to provinces. Octavius who was this year's consul, was sent into the province of Cilicia. (Plutarch in Lucullo.)

4115. Wherever Servilius marched, it was a very pretty sight to see the various prisoners and captives whom he carried along with him. People came flocking to him from all parts. They came from the towns through which they marched and also from all the adjacent places on purpose to see this. This pleased the people of Rome all the more and were more delighted with this victory than with any that ever had been before. (Cicero, in Verrem, l. 5.) In this triumph also the various images and ornaments which he had taken away from the city Olympus after he had taken it. They were carried on chargers in state that rode ahead of him in the triumph. All of this he later had entered into the common records and brought into the treasury. The number, size, shape and condition of those images were specified for each image. (Id. in eundem, l. 1. & Ascon. Pedianus ibid.) Valerius Maximus mentioned this triumph of Servilius. (l. 8. c. 5.) Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, and Claudian the Poet, (in l. 1. in Eutropium,) say this of him.

``Indomitos curru Servilius egit Isauros. Servilius charioted the untamed Isaures.''

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3930 AM, 4640 JP, 74 BC

4116. M. Antonius, the father to M. Antonius who was in the triumvirate, obtained an unlimited commission to guard all the Roman sea coasts. He obtained this by the favour of Cotta the consul and Cethegus' faction from the senate. M. Antonius was a most vile person and his wicked companions pillaged Sicily and all the provinces. (Cicero, act. 2. in Verrem. l. 2. Lactant. Institut. l. 1. c. 11. Ascon. Pedianus in Divinationem, and upon the previously mentioned place of Cicero, contra Verrem.)

4117. The province of Gaul Cisalpina was allotted to L. Lucullus the consul. However, when Octavius died who held Cilicia, Lucullus by the means of Praecia, a common strumpet, made Cathegus his friend. He had much authority in Rome and had the province of Cilicia assigned to Lucullus. Since Cappadocia was close to Cilicia, they voted that Lucullus should undertake the Mithridatic war. However, M. Cotta his colleague in the consulship, after much pleading prevailed with the senate that he might be sent with a fleet to guard the Propontis and defend Bithynia. (Plutarch in Lucullo) So both the consuls were sent to this war, the one to secure Bithynia and the other to follow Mithridates in Asia. (Cicero pro Murana, Memnon c. 39. Eutrop. lib. 6.) For that Lucullus the consul had not only Cilicia, but Asia also, (properly so called) allotted to him. He had the command of it for 7 years. (Velleius Paterculus. l. 2. c. 33.)

4118. Lucullus obtained a legion in Italy and crossed over with it into Asia. He added Fimbria's legions and two other legions to his force. However these new additions were long since ruined by luxury and covetousness. The Fimbrians had lived a long while without leadership and were more intractable and impudent. However they were very warlike and skilled and experienced in military undertakings. Lucullus reformed the one and calmed the fierceness of the other. (Plutarch in Lucello. cf. Appian in Mithridatic. p. 219.) He did the best he could to punish money lenders and the Roman tax collectors and make them more moderate in their dealings. Their extortions had been the main reason Asia revolted. He put down all the rebellions of various people when almost every country was in rebellion. (Plutarch in Lucello)

4119. Mithridates had another numerous army on the march with 400 ships of 30 oars plus a large number of smaller ships, which they commonly called Pentecouteri and Cercura. He sent away Diophantus Matharus with a large force into Cappadocia to put garrisons into the cities. If Lucullus intended to enter Pontus, he was to intercept and stop him. Mithridates kept with him 150,000 foot soldiers, 12,000 cavalry and 120 chariots with scythes which followed the cavalry. He had a good supply of all sorts of war engines. With these he marched quickly through Timonitis, Cappadocia and Galatia and within 9 days he reached Bithynia. Lucullus in the meanwhile commanded Cotta to stay with all his fleet at a port of the Chalcedonians. (Memnon c. 39.)

4120. Mithridates' fleet stayed by Heraclea in Pontus and were denied use of the harbour. However, the citizens gave them access to their market. After some disputes between them as are usual in those places, two of the most prominent men of Heraclea, Silenus and Satyrus were carried away prisoners by them. They would be freed only on the following condition that they should help Mithridates in this war against the Romans with 5 frigates. By this the Heracleans lost favour with the Romans. The Romans had appointed in the other cities the public sale of the citizens' goods. They also subjected Heraclea to sale. The tax collectors arrived who were to carry out this business and started exacting money, contrary to the customs of the state. The citizens grew very perplexed and viewed this action as a prelude to slavery. Thereupon when they were in this state of affairs, they knew they would have to send an embassy to the Roman senate and to ask their favour and to stop the sale of their goods. They, were persuaded by a bold desperate fellow in the city. They murdered the tax collectors so secretly that no one knew of their death. (Memnon. c. 40.)

4121. M. Cotta heard of the news of Lucullus coming and that he was already camped in Phrygia and was very confident of victory over Mithridates. Cotta hurried to fight with Mithridates before Lucullus could, so that Lucullus would not share the victory with him. (Plutarch. on Lucello) Mithridates generals, Marius (or Varius) and Eumachus, assembled in a short time a large army. They fought with P. Rutilius, M. Cotta's lieutenant at Chalcedon. In the battle Rutilius was killed along with the best part of his army. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) The Basternians routed the Italian foot soldiers and killed many of them. (Memnon. c. 41.)

4122. Mithridates marched up to Chalcedon where the Romans came from all parts to Cotta. Since Cotta was a novice soldier, he did not fight with him. However, Nudus, the admiral of his fleet with a brigade of the army, took to the field where it was best fortified. They were beaten off from there and fled back to the gate of Chalcedon. When they came to the gate, there was such a crowd of them trying to get in, that those who chased them could not shoot an arrow for fear of hitting their own troops. As soon as they let down the portcullis (iron lattice work in front of the gate), for fear of the enemy, they drew Nudus and some other commanders up to them with ropes. All the rest were killed in the midst of their friends and enemies. They held up there hands to them to be drawn up also but to no purpose. (Appian.)

4123. Mithridates though it would be best to immediately follow up on this victory and move his fleet toward the haven. When they had broken down the portcullis which was at the entrance of the haven, they burned 4 of the enemy's ships. They took away another 60 by tying them to one another's sterns. Neither Nudus nor Cotta, made any resistance but stayed secure within the walls. In the battle, the Romans lost about 3000 men among whom was Lucius Manlius, a senator. Mithridates lost 20 of the Basternians who were the first that assulted the haven, (Appian.) Plutarch tells us that Cotta lost on land 4000 foot soldiers besides those 60 ships with their men. Memnon said that in one day the land and sea were most disgracefully filled with the bodies of the Romans. 8000 were killed in the naval battle and 4500 were taken prisoners. 5300 of the army of Italian foot soldiers were killed. Mithridates' side, lost only about 30 Basternians and 700 others from his whole company.

4124. This was that battle near Chalcedon, where M. Aurelius Cotta the consul was defeated (Livy l. 93.) and in which Mithridates in a letter to Arsaces, (l. 4. Histor. Salust.) wrote:

``I totally routed Marcus Cotta the Roman general near Chalcedon on land and have deprived him of a most gallant fleet at sea.''

4125. The sad condition of Cotta on both sea and land, greatly increased the king's wealth and prestige. (Cicero, pro Murana.) Mithridates' success depressed the enemy. When Lucullus who was camped along the Sangarius River, heard of this greater defeat and saw his soldier's morale falling, he encouraged them with a speech. (Memnon, c. 41.)

4126. Archelaus who was formerly one of Mithridates' commanders, had now sided with the Romans. He tried to convince Lucullus that he might easily take the whole kingdom of Pontus now that Mithridates was in Bithynia with his army. Lucullus replied that he would not be deemed a greater coward than the common huntsmen are who did not dare to fight with the wild beasts but were brave enough to go into their empty dens. After saying this, Lucullus marched against Mithridates with his company of 30,000 foot soldiers and 2500 cavalry. When he came first to see the enemy, he was astonished to see such a numerous body and therefore desired not to to fight but play for time. He remembered that Marius, whom Sertorius had sent from Spain to be Mithridates' general was marching up against him. He decided to fight and drew his troops into battle array. Just as the army was set to fight, the sky split suddenly apart and there seemed to fall between both armies a great flaming body resembling a hogshead in shape and silver fiery hot. This strange sight so frightened both armies that they decided not to fight. They say this sign happened in Phrygia near Otryae. (Plutarch.)

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4127. L. Lucullus the consul, with his cavalry fought some skirmishes with Mithridates' cavalry and won. He made also some other raids and was fortunate in them. This so encouraged his soldiers and made them so eager to fight, that he had much trouble in keeping them under control. (Livy l. 94.)

4128. Mithridates saw that the city of Cyzicum was the door to let him in to all of Asia. If he took it, the whole province would be open to his attacks. He resolved to make it the centre of his war effort. (Cicero pro Murena.) It was the most famous city of all Asia and a faithful friend to the people of Rome. (Cicero pro lege Manilia.) In the recent defeat at Chalcedon, it had lost 3000 citizens and 10 ships. Thereupon the king, decided to give Lucullus the slip. As soon as he had dined and had the opportunity of a thick and misty night, he moved his camp and by daybreak got to the top of the Adrastia Mountain. This is also called Dindymus and is located opposite to the city. (Plutarch.) Strabo wrote that Mithridates with 150,000 foot soldiers and a large body of cavalry invaded the Cyzicenians and took the Adrastia Mountain and the suburbs. (lib. 12. p. 575.) Appian stated that Lucullus with 30,000 foot soldiers and 1600 cavalry camped opposite Mithridates' force of about 300,000 men. Orosius (Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) stated:

``Nay it is reported that he lost in the siege of Cyzicum more than 300,000 men by famine and sickness.''

4129. It is stated and as we find in Plutarch that Lucullus killed at least 300,000 of Mithridates' men and support staff. Eutropius (Breviary l. 6.) recorded that the following winter and summer, Lucullus killed of the king's forces almost 100,000 men.

4130. Mithridates surrounded the Cyzicenians with 10 brigades and attacked them also by sea with a fleet of 400 ships. (Strabo p. 575, 576. cf. Plutarch.) Since the Cyzicenians did not know what became of Lucullus, Mithridates' forces stated Lucullus' tents which were pitched before them were the forces of Armenians and Medes which Tigranes had sent to Mithridates. Demonax was sent from Archelaus to the city and was the first that told them that Lucullus was near them. They did not believe him and thought this was a ruse to cheer them up. However, a boy, who had been taken prisoner by the enemy, escaped and pointed out to them with his finger the place where the Romans were camped. Then they believed the report. (Plutarch) Lucullus sent one of his soldiers to them who knew their language. He told them to be encouraged. This soldier came on a raft made of two water skins.

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4131. Lucullus attacked Mithridates from the rear and defeated the Pontics and got a glorious victory. He killed more than 10,000 soldiers and took 13,000 prisoners. (Memnon. c. 42.)

4132. Lucullus saw a mountain very convenient to make his camp on. If he could capture it, he would have ample provisions for his army and would be able to starve the enemy. There was one very narrow passage to it which Mithridates had placed a guard to secure as he was advised by Taxiles and some of his other commanders. L. Manius or Magius, the arbitrator of the league between Mithridates and Sertorius, sent secretly a messenger to Lucullus. He then persuaded Mithridates to allow the Romans to pass by and to camp where they thought best for themselves. He lied to Mithridates and said that Fimbria's legions which formerly had served Sertorius in the wars, would defect to him within a day or two. Hence he would be spared the effort of a battle and get a victory without fighting. Mithridates did not suspect anything and allowed the Romans to quietly enter the passage and to fortify the mountain against him. By this the Romans had plentiful provisions from all those parts which lay behind them when Mithridates was blocked by a lake, mountain and river. He was able to get few supplies by land for his camp. He could not get out nor force Lucullus out either. The winter season was approaching and would likely hinder all supplies coming to him by sea. (Appian.)

4133. Plutarch wrote that Lucullus camped in Thracia at a place called "Comes". It was the best place to obstruct all the supply lines to Mithridates. Mithridates sent some men to Fimbria's legions to bring them over to him. Memnon said they pretended to defect to Mithridates and then killed all of Mithridates' delegates.

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4134. Nicomedes, a Thessalian, had built notable engines to batter the city. (Plutarch) One was called the Helepolis and was 150 feet high and was the most remarkable one. On this another tower was erected and planted with engines to sling stones and other sorts of weapons. Before they planted the engines, Mithridates ordered that 3000 of the Cyzicenians whom he had taken, to urge the city to surrender. This did not work. Lysistratus their general ordered a crier appointed who from the walls exhorted them that since it was their bad luck to fall under the power of a stranger they should bear it out as well as they could. Mithridates used all the strength he could both by sea and land, to reduce the city. The townsmen were very busy within defending it. They were not able to breech the walls. They could not enter through the part that fell down about the evening because the heat of the fire was so scorching. The Cyzicenians repaired the breach at night. (Appian.)

4135. At last Lucullus found a way to send to the city some auxiliaries by night. (Strabo.) In the Dascylite Lake, there were very large boats. He took one of the biggest and carried it in a wagon to the sea side and put as many soldiers in it as it could hold. They secretly by night got into the city and the enemy knew nothing about it. (Plutarch.)

4136. Now was the time of Proserpina's festival, in which the Cyzicenians offered a black heifer. Although they did not have one, they made one of dough and brought it to the altar. The heifer which was intended for Proserpine's festival was feeding with the rest of the Cyzicenians herds on the other side the sea. On the day of the festival, she left the other herds and swam over alone to Cyzicum. She passed all the way through the enemy's fleet and by diving underwater got through the bars which are at the mouth of the harbour. She passed through and came into the midst of the city to the temple of Proserpina and presented herself before the altar. The Cyzicenians sacrificed her and were greatly encouraged. (Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, & Appian.)

4137. It is reported that Prosepina appeared by night in a vision to Aristagoras, who was the chief magistrate according to Julius Obsequens. Plutarch only gives him the title of the people's tutor. She told him that she had provided a piper against the pipers. Plutarch rendered it that she immediately sent a Libyan piper against the Pontic trumpeter. The Cyzicenians wondered what this meant. About daybreak, there was foul weather at sea as if it had been a stormy wind. The king's engines were now drawn up to the walls. By their creaking and crashing the storm was known. Presently after this, there arose an extremely violent south wind which in the moment of an hour destroyed the rest of the king's engines. It so shook the wooden tower which was erected on the engine that it was overturned to the ground. (Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, & Appian.)

4138. It is also reported that at Troy, Minerva appeared to many in their sleep, dripping with a ewer and showing that part of her vail was cut off. She told them that she came from the relief of the Cyzicenians. The Trojans were shown the pillars where the decrees and letters concerning this accident were engraved. (Plutarch.)

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4139. Mithridates was advised by his friends to sail with his fleet from before the city. However, he was not dismayed in the least by what had happened. He went up to the mountain Dindymus and from there cast up a bank all along to the walls of the city. On this he built towers. He tried to undermine the walls. (Appian.) In spite of all this, the Cyzicenians held out so stoutly that they very nearly took Mithridates alive in one of the mines which he dug himself. They also dug a mine to him but he got away safely when knew the danger he was in. (Strabo. p. 576.)

4140. When the winter came, Mithridates was cut off from supplies by sea. The army was very short of supplies and many of them died from famine. Some were glad to eat human flesh. Others fed on herbs as their only food and became sick. The dead bodies were lying all the while unburied and caused a plague to break out. (Memnon, c. 42. Strabo, p. 576. Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Plutar. Appian. Orosius, l. 6. c. 2.)

4141. While Lucullus was gone to gain some citadel or other, Mithridates tried to make use of this opportunity. Thereupon, he ordered part of his forces to march home with their arms but not to be seen by the enemy. He sent almost all his cavalry, those also which were for burden, his foot soldiers and those that were unfit into Bithynia. The horses were now weak from lack of food and lame because their hooves were worn away for lack of shoes. When Lucullus heard of this, he hurried to the camp by night as fast as he could. At daybreak, he went after them with 10 companies of foot soldiers and all his cavalry. Although at that instant, a violent storm struck so that many of the soldiers from the snow and other hardships were forced to lie down from the very cold and were not able to follow. With the rest of his troops he overtook the enemy at the passage of the Rhyndacus River. He slaughtered so many of them that the women of Apollonia came out and plundered the wagons and stripped the dead. In this battle, 6000 horses, an enormous number of beasts for burdens and 15,000 men were captured. Lucullus carried all away with him besides the pillage of the enemies camp. If we can believe him, Orosius stated:

``Lucullus at this battle killed more than 15000 men;''

4142. Salust thought that this was the first time the Romans ever saw any camels. However, those who were under Scipio who was the general who defeated Antiochus and those who fought with Archelaus at Orchomenon and Cheronea would most certainly have seen camels. (Plutarch, Appian. Oros.)

4143. Funnius, who joined in with Mithridates and Metrophantes the king's praetor were defeated by Mamercus. They escaped with 2000 cavalry into Moesia and went from there to Moeonia. They came to the dry and parched hills and plains of Inarime. After they had been there a long time they finally got out and arrived at the king's camp without being noticed by the enemy. (Oros. l. 65. c. 2.)

4144. Eumachus the general and the rest of Mithridates' colonels fought in Phrygia. They killed many Romans with their wives and children. They subdued the Pisidians, the Isauri and Cilicia. Dejotarus, one of the tetrarchs of Galatia, attacked them as they were roving about and killed them and many of their soldiers. This brought an end to their actions. (Livy l. 54. Appian. p. 222. Oros. l. 65. c. 2.)

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4145. The 28th Jubilee.

4146. The Cyzicenians undermined the mounds which the king had cast up all along from Dindymus Mountain to the city and burned his engines. They knew how well the enemy was weakened by famine and made many sallies against them. Mithridates was resolved to withdraw and leave. (Appian.) He writes concerning this in a letter to Arsaces: (Salust. l. 4. histor.)

``In besieging Cyzicum with a large army, I lacked provisions since there was none available in the area. I could get nothing from all the parts about and winter had blocked the sea so none could be expected from there. I was forced (not by any compulsion of the enemies) to march back into my own kingdom.''

4147. For Plutarch tells us from Salust that Lucullus camped two whole winters first at Cyzicum and later at Amisus. See Cicero concerning the raising of the siege of Cyzicum. (in orat. pro lege Manilia, pro Murana and pro Archia poeta.)

4148. Mithridates resolved suddenly to leave. To keep Lucullus from following too fast after him, he sent Aristonicus a Greek admiral of his fleet to sea. However, Lucullus by some foul play, took him prisoner just as he was putting off from shore and seized the 10,000 crowns which he carried with him to bribe part of the Roman army. (Plutarch.)

4149. The king left his land forces with the general to march to Lampsacus. Hermaeus and Marius who were the generals sent by Sertorius, led 30,000 men there. However, Lucullus followed close after them and at last overtook them by surprise as they were crossing the Aesepus River. Its level at that time was higher than normal. He took very many of them prisoners and killed 20,000 of them. More than 11,000 of these were reported to have been Marius' soldiers. The Granicus and Aesepus Rivers ran red with blood. One of Mithridates' nobles, knew how strongly the Romans were given to covetousness. He ordered the soldiers to scatter their knapsacks and money about to deliberately slow down the pursuers. (Memnon, c. 42. Polybaus stratagem. l. 7. Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Plutarch, Appian. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

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4150. Mithridates planned to return by sea and sailed by night to Parium. (Appian.) His soldiers intended to leave with him and crowded on every side into the ship. Some were already filled and others were filled soon after. It happened that so many tried to get on the ships, that some ships sank and others capsized. The Cyzicenians saw this and attacked the enemy's camp. They cut the throats of the sick that were left behind and carried away whatever they found. (Memnon, c. 42.)

4151. Lucullus entered Cyzicum and was received with great joy and magnificence. (Plutarch.) In his honour they later instituted some plays which they called Lucullea. (Appian.) The Romans conferred a great deal of honour on the city and granted them their freedom. (Strabo l. 12. p. 576. Tacit annal l. 4. c.36)

4152. After Mithridates' men were driven to Lampsacus and besieged there by Lucullus, Mithridates sent his fleet there and transported them and the Lamsacenians. He left 50 ships with 10,000 men aboard them to Marius or Varius, the Sertorian general, Alexander a Paphlagonian and Dionysius the eunuch. Mithridates with the larger part made for Nicomedia. Many of these and the others were drowned in a storm. (Strabo l. 12. p. 576. Tacit annal l. 4. c.36)

4153. Mithridates assembled as best he could some forces in Pontus and besieged Perinthus. He made some attempts against it but could not take it. Therefore, he sent his forces away to Bithynia. (Memnon. c. 42.)

4154. Antiochus the Asian and his brother, the young sons of king Antiochus Pius who kept in their hands part of the kingdom of Syria which was not seized by Tigranes, came to Rome. They requested the kingdom of Egypt which they thought rightly belonged to them and their mother Selene. They stayed there almost 2 whole years and retained their royal retinue. (Cicero l. 4. in Verrem.)

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4155. Antipas or Antipater the Idumean was the foremost citizen of their country with respect to birth and wealth. He was the son of the other Antipas or Antipater whom they say was the son of Alexander, the king of the Jews and his wife Alexandra. Antipater was made governor of all Idumea and was married to Cyprus, who was born at a famous place among the Arabians. He had a son called Herod who later was the king of Judea. He was 25 years old when his father placed him over Galilee. (See note on 3957 AM << >>) (See note on 3875a AM <<3593>>) Nicolaus Damascenus wrote Herod's life while Herod was still living. To curry favour with Herod, he has derived Antipater's pedigree from the princes of the Jews who came from Babylon into Judea. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.) This is also in the 35th chapter of the Arabic History of the Jews which is written at the end of the Parisian Bibles. There we read that Antipater was a Jew descended from those who came from Babylon with Ezra the priest. He was appointed by Alexander Jannaeus as governor of the country of the Idumeans and married a wife from there. Julius Africanus in a letter of his to Aristides, (in Euseb. l. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast. c. 6. & 7.) and Ambrosius, who followed him, (l. 3. comment. in Luc. c. 3.) stated a tradition of those who were called the kinsmen of our Saviour according to the flesh, that Antipater was the son of Herod from Askelon who had the charge of Apollo's temple there. He was carried away by some Idumean robbers from Askelon and Antipater was instructed in the manners and customs of the Idumeans. This is the most common opinion of all the Christian fathers.

4156. Barba came with a strong band of Italians and Triarius, one of Lucullus' commanders besieged Apamea. The citizens held out for a long time but finally surrendered according to Memnon. Although Appian wrote that when Triarius arrived there, he took the city by storm and killed many of the Apamenians in their temples where they fled for sanctuary. Soon after this, the Roman army took Prusa, a very well fortified city, beneath the Olympus Mountain and pillaged it. From there Triarius went with his army to Prusias which bordered on the sea. Prusias, the king of Bithynia took it from the Heracleans and called it after his own name. It was called previously Cierus or Chius from the river which it bordered. As soon as he drew near the city, the Prusians expelled the Pontics and received them in. From there they came to Nicaea which had a garrison of Mithridates. The Pontics, knew full well that the citizen's favoured the Romans and stole away by night to Mithridates at Nicomedia. Hence the Romans got that city under their command without any trouble. (Memnon. c. 43. & 49. Appian. p. 223. cf. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

4157. Lucullus came to the Hellespont and prepared his fleet. He arrived at Troas and went into the temple of Venus. The same night in his sleep he dreamed that he saw the goddess standing by him and saying,

``Sleep'st thou now Lion stout? Whole herds of fawns rove here about.''

4158. While he was telling this dream to his friends, before daybreak some came to him from Troy. They told him how that there appeared 13 of the king's ships with five tiers of oars at a port of the Achaians and they were bound for Lemnus. Lucullus sailed from Troas and captured all the 13 ships and killed Isodorus their admiral. (Plutarch, cf. Appian.)

4159. Lucullus followed up on his victory and went after Marius or Varius who was sent by Sertorius to be general, Alexander and Dionysius. He overtook them near Lemnus, in the deserted island where Philoctetes' altar with the brazen serpent is located. As he approached them, he ordered his soldiers before the battle not to kill anyone who had only one eye. He meant Marius who had lost an eye whom Lucullus planned to deride before he killed him. Lucullus saw that the enemy did not move and had drawn all their ships to the shore. He stopped and sent two ships to try to draw them into a battle. They would not budge but defended themselves from their hatches which really galled the Romans. The place was such that they could not turn around nor was it possible for the ships which were tossed by the waves to do much harm to the enemy. The enemy fleet was beached and they had good sure footing. Therefore Lucullus sent a squadron of ships by another way to the island. He landed all his main foot soldiers there who attacked the enemy from the rear. Some were killed and others retreated to their ships. They were so fearful of Lucullus that they dared not launch into the deep but sailed along the coast. Now they were attacked from both land and sea and many were killed as they tried to get away. (Plutarch.) Lucullus either sunk or captured 32 of the king's ships, besides a number of cargo ships. Among those that were slain, were very many who had been proscribed by Sulla. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

4160. The next day, the 3 generals were found hidden in a cave. Lucullus had Marius or Varius killed. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2. cf. Appian.) Alexander was reserved to be killed later and Dionysius died soon after from poison that he carried with him. (Appian.)

4161. These were the 2 sea victories which Lucullus had, one at Tenedus, the other in the Aegean Sea. Memnon (c.44) mentions both as distinct battles. Cicero stated (Orat. pro lege Manclia) that there was just one battle. He said:

``The large and well trimmed fleet which Sertorius' commanders were in all fury sailing to Italy, was defeated by Lucullus and procouncil L. Murena. Do you think that the naval battle at Tenedus (when the enemy fleet in good hopes and spirits made a direct course for Italy under the most experienced generals) was defeated after a small battle or a light skirmish?''

4162. In Orat. pro Archia poeta, Cicero stated:

``Lucullus defeated the enemies fleet at that incredible naval battle at Tenedus.''

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4163. Lucullus sent his letters to the senate which recounted his achievements. This was the custom of conquerors. (Appian.) When as the senate decreed to send him 3000 talents to procure a fleet, he wrote back that he had no need of the money. He boasted that he was able to drive Mithridates from the sea with the ships of the Roman allies. (Plutarch.)

4164. After this, he hurried to catch Mithridates and thought he might find him around Bithynia. He secured the place by Voconius, whom he had sent with a squadron of ships to Nicomedia, to pursue Mithridates. However, Voconius was busy at Samothracia in the religious ceremonies and holy festival days there and came too late. Mithridates sailed and hurried to get to Pontus before Lucullus could catch him. A storm hit and wrecked part of his fleet. Some ships were damaged and other were sunk so that for many days all the coasts around there were littered with the wreckage that washed ashore. They say that this storm was caused by Diana Priapina in revenge against the Pontics for their plundering her temple and taking down her image from its place.

4165. Dio wrote that Mithridates was twice wrecked as he was sailing to Pontus. By these accidents, he lost about 10,000 men and 60 ships. The rest were scattered by the winds. Mithridates in his letter to Arsaces in Salust, said:

``He lost his best soldiers and his fleet by two wrecks, at Para and Heraclea.''

4166. Orosius said:

``After Mithridates had manned his fleet and sailed against Byzantium (where Eutropius says he was chased by Lucullus), he was caught by a storm and lost 80 ships with brass prows.''

4167. To conclude, Florus stated:

``A storm struck this fleet of more than 100 ships and a very large military force in the Pontic sea. The storm so battered it that it looked like it had been done by a real naval battle.''

4168. The pilot of the large ship in which Mithridates was, did not think it possible to beach the ship in so boisterous a storm since it already leaked and was almost full of water. Mithridates against the advice of his friends leaped into the ship of Selemus a pirate and the pirate helped him get on board. Mithridates trusted himself with the pirates who brought him safely to Heraclea in Pontus. (Plutarch) They first went to Sinope and later to Amisus. (Appian and Orosius)

4169. Cotta wanted to atone for his former losses and moved his forces from Chalcedon where he then camped to Nicomedia. He camped 18 miles from the city and was cautious how he engaged the enemy. Triarius of his own accord, quickly brought his army by running marches to Cotta. Then both the Roman armies prepared to attack the city. The king knew that Lucullus had obtained already two notable victories over the Pontics at sea and that he was no match for the Roman forces. He moved his fleet back into the river where he lost some ships with 3 tiers of oars in a storm. However, he escaped with most of his ships to the Hypius River. (Memnon, c. 44.)

4170. Mithridates remained here because of the storm. He heard that Lamachus of Heraclea, a trusted old friend of his, ruled that state. Thereupon he flattered him by many fair promises to allow him into the city and to do the best he could for him. Mithridates also sent him some money because of this. Lamachus prepared a large feast for the citizens outside the city. During this feast he promised Mithridates that the gates would not be shut. He made the people drunk so that Mithridates might come as planned on the very day. He came and took them by surprise as they were sleeping. So the city became his own, and no one even dreamed of his coming. Next day the king summoned the city together and spoke very friendly to them. After he had exhorted them to remain loyal to him, he committed the city to Connacoriges and placed a garrison there of 4000 men. His pretence was merely to defend and protect the citizens in case the Romans should attack the place. From there, he sailed directly toward Sinope. Before he left he distributed some money among the citizens and especially among the magistrates. (Memnon, c. 44.)

4171. After Lucullus had recovered Paphlagonia and Bithynia, he passed through Bithynia and Galatia and invaded Mithridates' kingdom. He joined his forces at Nicomedia with the troops of Cotta and Triarius so that they might attack Pontus. (Eutrop. l. 6. Plutarch, & Memnon, c. 45.) They received news of the taking of Heraclea when as yet they knew nothing of the plot. They thought it was surrendered when the citizens voluntarily abandoned the whole city. Lucullus thought it best that he with the whole power of his army, should march through the Mediterranean and Cappadocia against the king and his whole kingdom. Cotta thought they should try to recapture Heraclea. Triarius thought they should take the fleet and intercept Mithridates' ships which were sent into Crete and Spain when they returned through the Hellespont and Propontis. (Memnon, c. 45.)

4172. When Mithridates knew of their plans, he prepared for war. He quickly sent for forces from his son-in-law Tigranes the Armenian and to his son Macharus who was reigning in Bosphorus and from the Parthians. He also ordered Diocles to go to the bordering Scythians to solicit them with many gifts and a great weight of gold. However, he ran away with the gifts and the gold to Lucullus. The others also refused to meddle. Tigranes delayed for a long time. (A letter of Mithridates to Arsaces inserted in the 4th book of Salust's histories, confirmed that this war was begun and he refused to help from the start.) However, he promised to send supplies. Mithridates' daughter wore on him until he yielded. (Memnon, c. 45. cf. Appian.)

4173. The ambassador which Mithridates sent to Tigranes was Metrodorus Scepsius who left his philosophy and became a politician. Mithridates had him as such a close friend that he was called the king's father. He was made a judge and it was not lawful for any man to appeal his sentence to the king. Tigranes asked the king's ambassador what he thought of this business of sending forces against the Romans. The ambassador replied:

``As I am an ambassador I advise you to send, as I am a counsellor I am against it.''

4174. Tigranes sent Metrodorus with his answer back to Mithridates but Metrodorus died on the way. Either the king had him killed or he died of some disease, for there was talk of both. Tigranes had informed the king of what Metrodorus had said and thought that Mithridates would never think any the worse of Metrodorus. To express his sorrow for what he had done, Tigranes interred his body very nobly and spared for no cost for him whom he had betrayed when he was alive. (Strabo, l. 13. p. 609, 610. Plutarch in Lucullo.)

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4175. Mithridates sent several generals against Lucullus. They fought some battles but the Romans won most of them. (Memnon, c. 45.) At the first Lucullus was very short of food. There were 30,000 Galatians who followed the camp who were to each bring a measure of grain on their shoulders. After he had marched a little farther, he subdued and plundered all the way. Shortly after this, he came to a country that had not been ravaged by war for many years. A slave was sold for 4 drachmas and an ox for one drachma. Goats, sheep, clothes and other things were equally cheap. They were not able to carry away all the booty because there was so much. Some of it was left behind and the rest destroyed. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4176. After this, Lucullus attempted to subdue Amisus and Eupatoria which Mithridates had built near it. He had called it by his own surname and made it his royal palace. A brigade of Lucullus' army was sent to take Themiscyra that was on the Thermodoon River. They used towers against the Themiscyrians and cast up works and dug such large mines that the sides often fought underground. The townsmen opened their mines from the top and through the holes let down bears, other wild beasts and swarms of bees among the invaders. They met stiff resistance at Amisus. The Amisians fought bravely in their own defence. They sometimes sallied out in force and other times just a few went out. (Appian.)

4177. Lucullus spent much time before Amisus in a long siege. His army began to complain at the delay and grumbled quite a bit that they were not allowed to plunder all the cities they captured. It did not matter whether the city surrendered freely or was taken by storm. Lucullus replied that he had good reasons for drawing out the seige. By this, he hoped to wear down Mithridates' forces little by little. He did not want Mithridates to think he overpowered him lest he go to Tigranes for help and thus make another enemy for them to fight with. Plutarch said Lucullus spoke this:

``It is but a few days march from Cabirae into Armenia where Tigranes lives who is that lazy king of kings. He is so powerful, that he wrests Asia from the Parthians, carries the Greek cities into Media, holds Syria and Palestine, dethrones the kings, Seleucus' successors and steals their daughters and wives from their mansions and takes them with him as prisoners. This Tigranes is a neighbour to Mithridates and is his son-in-law.''

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4178. Cotta moved his camp and marched with his Romans first to Prusia which was formerly called Cierus. From there he went down to the Pontic Sea, and passed by the sea coast. He camped before the walls of Heraclea which stood on the top of an hill. The Heracleans did not trust too much the strength of their location. They joined with the soldiers which Mithridates had garrisoned among them and fought against Cotta, who made valiant attempts against them. More fell on the Roman side than of the other. However, the Heracleans received many wounds from the Roman arrows. Therefore Cotta gave up the attack and sounded a retreat to his soldiers. He camped farther off and started to besiege the city. When the Heracleans were short of food, they sent their ambassadors to the colonies around them and wanted to buy food. The embassy was well received. (Memnon, c. 49.)

4179. A little before this, Triarius who was equipped with the Roman fleet from Nicomedia, attacked the Pontic ships which Mithridates had sent toward Crete and Spain. When he knew that the rest of the ships had returned to Pontus he chased them. Many of them were lost by storms and naval battles in various places. He overtook them at Tenedus and attacked them. Lucullus had 70 ships and the Pontics less than 60. After they had ran violently on one another with their prows, the king's side endured the enemy attack very well for a while. Later they were forced to retire and the Romans obtained a complete and famous victory. This was the end of that large fleet which Mithridates brought with him into Asia. (Memnon. c. 50.)

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4180. Mithridates sent abundant provisions, arms and soldiers to the besieged Amisians from Cabriae. He made Cabriae his winter quarters and levied another army (Appian.) of 40,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. (Plutarch & Appian) Memnon said there were 8000 cavalry.

4181. Olthacus, whom Appian calls Olcabas, was a Scythian and prince of the Dardarii who live around Lake Maeotis. He was highly commended for warlike exploits, counsel and civil deportment. He was in some of Mithridates' garrisons and contested with some of the princes and his countrymen for superiority. He promised to do a great exploit for Mithridates and would kill Lucullus. The king highly commended him but pretended as if he had been angry with him for it and very formally reproached him. Thereupon he rode off to Lucullus and was treated very friendly by him. (Plutarch.)

4182. The first year of the 177th Olympiad was now approaching. In the spring, Lucullus left Muraena with 2 legions to continue the siege at Amisus. He marched with 3 other legions through the mountains against Mithridates. (Phlegon Trallianus. Chro. l. in Bibliotheca Photii. Cod. 97. Plutarch, Appian.) Muraena was a lieutenant to Lucullus who was the general. He was the son to Muraena, whom Sulla had left as praetor in Asia. Cicero in a speech on his behalf says:

``During the time when he was lieutenant, he led an army, fought battles, defeated the enemy forces, took many cities, some by storm, others by siege. He behaved himself so well in Asia, which at that time was well provided with all luxuries that he left not the least hint of his covetousness or luxury. He demeaned himself so gallantly in that great war that he did many noble acts without the general's assistance and the general did nothing without him.''

4183. Mithridates had ordered his guards that they might keep Lucullus out and give notice by fires in case any unusual thing should happen. Phoenix, who was one of the royal blood, was in charge of them. According to agreement, he warned of Lucullus' approach, but he and all his forces defected to Lucullus. By this action, the mountains could be crossed safely and Lucullus marched down to Cabirae. (Appian.)

4184. After Mithridates crossed the Lycus River he came into a wide plain and tried to provoke the Romans to fight. (Plutarch.) He sent Diophantus and Taxiles against them. At the first their armies, by daily skirmishes, only tested one another's strength. (Memnon. c. 45.) Later their cavalry fought and the Romans fled. Lucullus was forced to retreat to the mountains. In this fight, Pompey or Pomponius, who was the general of this cavalry, was taken prisoner and brought to Mithridates. He was seriously wounded. When Mithridates asked him that if he allowed him to live, would he be his friend in the future? He replied:

``Truly, I shall, if you will conclude a peace with the people of Rome, but if not, I shall remain your enemy.''

4185. After this reply, the barbarians would have killed him, but the king would not allow them. He said that he would not allow any cruelty on a valiant man merely because of misfortune. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4186. After this, Mithridates drew his forces into battle array and stood in that posture for many days. Since Lucullus would not come down to fight, he looked for a way to march up to him. (Appian.)

4187. In the meantime Olcabas, or Olthacus the Scythian who had saved many Romans in the last battle of the cavalry was admitted into Lucullus' inner circle at meal time and knew their counsels and secrets. He came with his usual short dagger by his side, to Lucullus, as he was sleeping at noon in his tent. He said he had some matter of great importance to tell Lucullus but Menedemus, Lucullus' chamberlain refused to let him in. Olcabas feared lest he might be questioned and stole away from the camp and rode on horse back to Mithridates. (Plutarch & Appian.) He revealed to the king another Scythian, named Sobadacus, who intended to run away to Lucullus, who was immediately seized. (Appian.)

4188. Lucullus was afraid to come down to the plain because the enemy cavalry was too strong. However, he was perplexed about how to pass through the mountainous region which was a long way and full of woods and quite dangerous. By chance, he came upon some Greeks who had hidden themselves in a certain cave around there. The oldest of them was Apollodorus who, as Appian says, was an hunter and knew the mountains well. He guided Lucullus and his army to a place where he might safely camp. It also had a citadel overlooking Cabirae. Lucullus used this guide, kindled fires in the camp and marched away. He went through the woods without any difficulty by an unused path and finally arrived at that citadel. At daybreak, he was seen pitching his tents above the enemy. He chose his place so that if he wanted to fight he could and if not, he could not be forced into a fight. He still avoided the plains for fear of the enemy cavalry and camped where there was plenty of water. (Appian.)

4189. Neither army thought of fighting at present. It is reported that as the king's party was chasing a deer, the Romans came that way and stopped their chase. A skirmish began and more came flocking in from both sides. Finally the Romans fled. Lucullus came down alone to the plain and ran up to the forest from where the Romans came running. He ordered them to stop and march back again with him against the enemies. These submitted to the general and the others stopped also. They rallied together and easily made the enemy flee and pursued them to their very camp. When Lucullus returned from pursuing the enemy, he publicly disgraced those who ran away. He took away their weapons and ordered them to dig a 12 foot trench while all the other soldiers stood by and looked on. (Plutarch.)

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4190. When Lucullus ran short of food, he sent a party into Cappadocia to forage. He often skirmished with the enemy until at one time the king's troops began to flee. Mithridates ran from the camp and derided them for fleeing and forced them back again. That put such a dread upon the Romans that they ran back without stopping to the mountains. Although the king's troops abandoned the chase, the Romans were so terrified that they still kept running and thought the enemy was at their heels. Mithridates sent messengers to all parts to tell of his victory. (Appian.)

4191. Sornatius was sent by Lucullus with a legion of foot soldiers to get provisions. He saw Menander, one of Mithridates' commanders and followed after him. He stopped until they came to him. Then he fought with them and killed many and put the rest to flight. (Plutarch.)

4192. After this, Adrianus was again sent by Lucullus with some forces into Cappadocia to supply the army with food. Taxiles and Diophantus, Mithridates' generals, sent Menemachus and Miron, against him with 4000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry. They hoped to ambush their wagons as they returned to Lucullus. (Memnon. c. 45. Phlegon. year 1. Olymp. 177. & Plutarch.) Since Cappadocia was the only place where Lucullus might expect supplies, Mithridates hoped to put him in the same distress as he was put in at the seige of Cizycum. (Appian.)

4193. The king's party, attacked by chance a party of the foragers in some narrow passes. They did not wait until they came to a more open place and so the cavalry could not help them. Thereupon the Romans, drew themselves up as fast as they could into battle array. The roughness of the places helped them. They attacked the king's troops and killed some of them and forced others down the precipices of the rocks. The rest fled away. (Appian.) When the Romans, had received some troops from Lucullus, they pursued them to the very camp of Diophantus and Taxiles. In a fierce battle, the Pontics stood their ground for a while. As soon as their commanders began to give ground, the whole army retreated. The commanders were the first that told of this defeat to Mithridates. (Memnon. c. 45.) Plutarch said that all the cavalry and foot soldiers who came with Menemachus and Miron, were killed except for only two. Eutropus wrote that 30,000 of the king's best soldiers were routed by 5000 of the Romans. (l. 6.) Livy stated that Lucullus fought in Pontus against Mithridates with very good success, and killed more than 60,000 of the enemy. (l. 97.) He took into account those who were killed a little later when Mithridates was made to flee.

4194. Mithridates heard this news before Lucullus did. (Appian.) Adrianus had marched by Lucullus' camp in great pomp and brought along with him a large number of wagons laden with provisions and spoil. This sight depressed Lucullus and his soldiers began to fear and tremble. (Plutarch.) However, the king, was sure Lucullus would suddenly attack him, now that he had lost his cavalry. He began to be afraid and think of fleeing. In his pavilion, he told his friends the fix they were in. They did not wait so long until the trumpet sounded to gather up their baggage and moved all their goods from the camp before daybreak. There was such a company of them that the beasts of burden began to crowd one another. No sooner was this seen by the army who knew the drivers of the beasts of burden and feared for the worse. They were not notified and were quite upset and rushed violently from their trenches. (Appian.) They ran in a great chase to the gates and rifled the packs. They attacked those that were carrying them away and killed them all. Dorylaus the general was killed. He only had a purple garment on his back and was killed for that very garment. Hermaeus, a soothsayer, was trampled to death in the gates. (Plutarch.)

4195. The soldiers ran away over the fields in no order and everyone cared only for himself and did not wait for orders from their generals and commanders. As soon as the king knew of the disorder and speed with which they fled, he ran out of his pavilion. He hoped to say something to them. Nobody would listen but pressed so hard on him that he fell down in the crowd. (Appian.) Memnon wrote that he stayed for some time at Cabirae and later made his escape. (c. 46.) Appian stated that he soon went on horseback and fled away to the mountains with only a small retinue with him. Plutarch stated that Mithridates had not lost a soldier and went from the camp with the other throng. Neither was there any of the king's party which had a horse ready. Finally though late, Ptolemy the eunuch, who had a horse, saw Mithridates tossed to and fro in the fight. He leaped off his horse and offered his horse to the king.

4196. When Lucullus knew of the victory of his foragers and saw the flight of their enemy, he sent a good brigade of cavalry to pursue after them in their flight. He surrounded with his legions those who remained in the camp and had put themselves in a defensive position. He told his troops not to pillage the enemy camp, until such time that they had killed as many of them as they could. When the soldiers saw the gold and silver vessels and the rich garments, they ignored the general's prohibition. (Appian.) The king had been overtaken by a company of Galatians, who had caught up with him in the chase although they would not have known him except for one of his mules which carried the king's treasure. It was placed between the king and his pursuers either of its own accord or by the king's plan to slow them down. For while they were busy in gathering up the gold and quarrelling among themselves about the spoil, the king escaped. (Memnon, c. 46. Plutarch & Appian.) When they had taken Callistratus the king's secretary, Lucullus ordered him brought to the camp. Those who escorted him, found he had 500 crowns in the belt he wore and killed him along the way. (Plutarch.) Cicero wrote this of the escape of Mithridates from Pontus:

``Mithridates fled away and left behind in Pontus, a very large store of gold and silver and other precious things. Part of this he had received from his ancestors and part taken in his first war in Asia and added it to his other treasures. While our men were over busy in gathering up all they found, the king escaped.''

4197. Lucullus came as far as Talaura in pursuing Mithridates. This was now the 4th day and Mithridates had an head start and so escaped into Armenia to Tigranes. (He did not go to Iberia, as it is incorrectly stated in Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.) Lucullus marched back again and gave the soldiers the plunder of the king's camp. (Plutarch.) He sent M. Pompey as commander-in-chief against Mithridates while he, with all his forces, moved to Cabirae. (Memnon. c. 47.) Mithridates, in a letter to Arsaces, (in l. 4. histor. Salust.) stated the matter in this way.

``After I recruited my army at Cabirae and had many battles between me and Lucullus, both of us were short of food. He was supplied from Ariobarzanes' kingdom of Cappadocia which had not been touched by the war. Since all parts about me were wasted and destroyed, I withdrew into Armenia.''

4198. Mithridates got safely to Comana and from there hurried away to Tigranes with 200 cavalry. (Appian.) He could by no means get his son-in-law to help him for he would not own him, who had lost so great a kingdom, nor much as to come into his fight for him nor acknowledge him as his kinsman. However, Mithridates procured from him a grant for the protection of his person and was assigned a princely table in some of his citadels nor was he lacking such duties of hospitality. (Memnon, c. 48. Appian.) Although, Plutarch wrote that he put him off with a great deal of contempt and scorn and Mithridates was cooped up in some remote corner in the swampy and unhealthful places.

4199. When Mithridates was on his flight, he sent Bacchus or Bacchides, one of his eunuchs, to kill any way he could his sisters, wives and concubines, who were kept at Pharnacia. (Memnon. c. 49. Plutarch. & Appian.)

4200. Among these were 2 of the king's sisters, Roxane and Statira who had lived as virgins for almost 40 years. Also were 2 of his Ionian wives, Berenice a Chian, and Monima a Milesian. Bacchides came to them and told them that they must die but they should have the freedom to choose what kind of death they thought most easy and free from pain. Monima took the diadem from off her head and made it fit for her neck and hanged herself by it. However it broke and she said:

``O thou cursed band, wilt thou not serve for this use?''

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4201. Then she kicked it about and spit on it. She exposed her throat to Bacchides. Berenice took a cup of poison and gave part of it to her mother who was present there and asked for it. So they drank it both together. The poison did work on the weaker body but it did not kill Berenice since she had not taken her full dose. Therefore when Bacchides saw her in pain and a long while in dying, he strangled her. It is also reported that of those two virgin sisters that Roxane, after many a curse and reproach against her brother drank her poison. But Satiras spoke nothing bitter or unworthy of him but praised him highly in that when he was in danger for his life that he should think of them to provide that they should die free women and not raped. (Plutarch.)

4202. When Lucullus besieged Cabirae, the barbarians surrendered conditionally. He made peace with them and took over their strongholds. (Memnon, c. 37.) After the surrender of Cabirae and many other cities, he found rich treasures and prisons in which were many Greeks and also many of the king's friends locked up. They had long thought themselves as dead men and were released to a new life by Lucullus' favour. Nysa, Mithridates' sister, was found among the rest and freed. (Plutarch.)

4203. Most of the governors of Mithridates' garrisons defected to Lucullus. (Appian.) Among these, was Strabo, the geographer's grandfather, by the mother's side and brother to Moaphernes, the governor of Colchis under Mithridates. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 499.) He defected because Mithridates had recently killed his first cousin, Tibius and his son Theophilus. He was instrumental in the defection of 15 other garrisons from Mithridates to Lucullus. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 557.) Thus Pontus was wide open to the Roman legions which before was blocked on all sides so that the Romans could not enter it. (Cicero. pro. lege Manilia, & pro Archia.)

4204. When the Romans had finished their work with Mithridates, they attacked the Cretians, merely from ambition to subdue that noble island. They pretended their reason was that the Cretians favoured Mithridates and had let him have mercenaries for his army against the Romans. Mithridates had entered into an alliance with the pirates whom M. Antionius was chasing at that time. The Cretians had offended Antionius when he was a delegate and had given him two arrogant repliess. Thereupon Antionius soon confidently invaded the island and was so sure of victory that he carried more chains than arms in his ships. However, the enemies intercepted many of his ships and bound those that they took prisoners with sails and ropes and hung them up. In that manner the Cretians hoisted sail and returned back triumphantly to their harbours. Antionius became sick and died thus ending the war which he had started with little success. In spite of that he obtained the surname of Creticus. (Livy l. 97. Flor. l. 3. c. 7. Asconius in Oratio. de pratura Verris Siciliensi. Appian. Legat. 30.)

4205. Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius had stayed almost 2 whole years at Rome with his brother and had not yet received a promise from from the senate for those things which he demanded concerning the kingdom of Egypt. On his return home, he journeyed through Sicily and came to Syracuse and stayed in the house of Q. Minucius Rufus. He brought along with him to Rome a candlestick, very elaborately made of bright gems which he intended to bestow in the capitol. Since the temple there was not yet completed, he planned to carry it back again with him into Syria. He would send it back to the capitol by his ambassadors with some other presents at the time of the dedication of Jupiter's image which was done in the next year by Q. Catulus. Verres, the praetor of Sicily, cheated him of this candlestick, many other cups of gold inlaid with gems and another cup for wine which was cut from one large gem. When he demanded them back, Verres ordered him to leave the province before night and told him that he had received news that the pirates were coming from his kingdom into Sicily. (Cicero in Verina 6. or l. 4. in Verrem.)

4206. After frequent massacres in Judea by the Pharisees, the old friends of Alexander Jannaeus went to Queen Alexandra and told her what was happening. The leader of them was Alexandra's younger son, Aristobulus. They made their addresses to the court and asked the queen that they might either be all killed there or else that they might be dispersed into various citadels where they might spend the rest of their lives safe from their enemies' treacheries. Thereupon she, for want of better counsel at that time, entrusted them with the command of all the citadels, except for Hircania, Alexandrium and Machaerus. In these places, she had stored her best treasures. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 24.)

4207. Cotta still besieged Heraclea and had not yet made an assault against it with his whole army. He had only brought up against the town a few of his Romans and placed the Bithynians in the front lines. When he saw how many of them were wounded and slain, he resorted to his engines. None terrified the besieged so much, as the one which they called their turtle, (Latin testudo). This was an engine enclosed with boards and raw hides and under its shelter they might safely scale the walls. Thereupon Cotta brought up all his troops from the camp. He led them up against a tower which they had good hopes of making a breach in. The tower had endured one or two batteries without any damage at all. Contrary to all their expectations, the ram broke off from the engine. The Heracleans were encouraged and Cotta began to despair of ever taking the town. The next day they used their engine again but with little results. Therefore Cotta burnt the engine and cut off the carpenter's head who made it. He left a sufficient guard at the walls of the city and he camped with the rest of his army in the plain of Layca which had plenty of provisions. Thereby he reduced the city to dire need since all the country about Heraclea was utterly destroyed. Thereupon they immediately sent an embassy to the Sevthians, the inhabitants of Chersonesus and to the Theodosians and to the princes about Bosphorus. They wanted to make a league which they agreed to. (Memnon, c. 51.)

4208. While the enemies attacked the city from without, they were almost as badly plagued by disputes among themselves within the town. For Mithridates' garrison was not content to eat what the townsmen lived on. They scourged the citizens, and made them provide things which at that time were quite scarce. Connacorix, the governor, was worse than his soldiers for he did not restrain their insolence but freely permitted them to do what they wanted. (Memnon, c. 51.)

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4209. Lucullus subdued the Chaldeans and the Tibarenians. (Plutarch.) He captured Armenia the less which Mithridates previously controlled. (Plutarch & Eutrop. l. 6.) After he had gone over all Pontus and subdued the province, he came with his fleet to its coastal cities. (Appian.)

4210. Amisus was still besieged. Callimarchus, the governor, had worn out the Romans with his engine devices and his plots. (Plutarch) Lucullus came to besiege them and exhorted them to surrender. When he saw they would not, he moved the siege to Eupatoria and acted as if he had been very careless in attacking them. Those that kept the garrison also became careless and continued still in their false sense of security. Thereupon Lucullus commanded his soldiers to quickly scale the walls. So Eupatoria was taken and immediately pulled down to the ground. (Memnon, c. 47.)

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4211. Not long after Amisus was taken, which (as Plutarch confirms from Salust,) had held out for another winter's siege. For at the same hour of the day on which Callimachus usually withdrew his soldiers to allow them to refresh themselves, Lucullus scalled the walls with his ladders. (Memnon, c.47 & Plutarch.) When a little part of the walls was taken by the enemy, Callimachus burned the city either from his envy that the Romans should have so great a booty or else contriving by this to escape. For nobody hindered any that would sail away. As soon as the flame caught hold on the walls, the soldiers immediately started plundering. From pity for the burning city, Lucullus tried to stop the fire from outside the walls and ordered his soldiers to help to quench it. None heeded him but shouted and rattled their armour. Hence Lucullus was forced to give the plunder to the soldiers that he might save the city from being burnt to the ground. However, they did the exact opposite. When the fire was almost everywhere, the soldiers themselves set fire to some houses. While the city was being taken, the fire was put out by a storm which happened miraculously. Lucullus repaired many places before he left. (Plutarch,) He prevented his soldiers from any further slaughter of the citizens and he gave both the city and the country to those that survived. (Memnon, c. 47.)

4212. At the same time, Tyrannio the grammarian was taken prisoner. Lucullus did not want to make him a slave and gave him to Muraena who freed him. Tyrannio was a citizen of Amisus by birth as Strabo states, who was one of his students. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 548.)

4213. Selene the queen asked the Syrians to help to drive out Tigranes. She was otherwise called Cleopatra, who after the death of her husband Antiochus Pius, reigned jointly with her sons in that part of Syria which Tigranes king of Armenia had not captured. She had some cities of Phoenicia defect from him. Thereupon Tigranes entered Syria with a vast army to quell the rebellion. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24. cf. Plutarch in Lucullo.) In this expedition, it is likely that Tigranes recovered those 70 valleys of Armenia which were naturally fortified with hills and mountains. When Tigranes was a Parthian hostage, he gave this to the Parthians as a gift. He wasted the countries of the Parthians around Ninus and Arbela. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 532.) For this undoubtedly was that recent war of Tigranes against the Parthians which is mentioned by Mithridates in his letter to Arsaces the next year (in l. 4. histor. Salust.) and which also Dio affirms.(l. 35. Histories) He stated that a certain disputed country was taken from the Parthians.

4214. In the 9th year of Alexandria, queen of the Jews, Josephus was born to Matthias Curtus, the priest's son. Josephus was the grandfather to Josephus the historian as Josephus states in the beginning of the book of his life.

4215. Alexander sent his son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy Mennaeus. He had been a very troublesome neighbour to that city. Alexander marched back again without any results. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24.)

4216. About this same time it was rumoured that Tigranes had entered Syria with an army of 500,000 men and that he would suddenly come into Judaea. This news terrified the queen and the Jews. Thereupon they dispatched ambassadors to him with rich presents as he beseiged Ptolemais and captured it soon after. When the ambassadors found him there, they told him the queen and the Jews would deal honestly and fairly with him. He commended them for their coming on so long a journey to do homage to him and wished them all well. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24.) Appian wrote that Tigranes overran all the counties of the Syrians on this side of the Euphrates as far as Egypt. (Syriac. p. 118.) Lucullus stated (Plutarch) that he captured Palestine. However, Eutropius stated that he did not march toward Egypt beyond Phoenicia and that Tigranes was master of only part of Phoenicia. (Eutropius l. 6.)

4217. Lucullus sent his wife's brother, Appius Claudius as an ambassador to Tigranes to demand Mithridates from him. (Memnon. c. 48. & Plutarch.) The king's captain brought him through the upper countries by a circuitous and round about way. Finally one of his own free men, a Syrian, showed him the right way. Using him for their guide, they reached the Euphrates River in 5 days and came to Antioch which was called Epidaphne. He was ordered to wait there for Tigranes who was gone to subdue some other cities of Phoenicia which were not yet under his power. He made many of the princes in those parts who did not obey the Armenians heartily, to side with the Romans. Zarbienus king of the Gordians was one of them. (Plutarch.)

4218. Appius promised Lucullus' help to many other cities under Tigranes' control. They had secretly sent ambassadors to him. He ordered them not to rebel at the present time. The Armenians treated the Greeks very badly. The king was worse than the rest and grew more arrogant and conceited with his success. Whatever mortal men wish for themselves and admire, he thought was for him and purposely created for him. Many kings waited upon him as his servants. He had 4 in his retinue as his attendants and guards who on their errands ran on foot by his horse's side. When he sat on his throne and answered questions the countries had asked of him, they stood with their hands clasped together and their fingers folded one within another. This posture more than any other was a sign of their submission to him. (Plutarch.)

4219. L. Motellus was appointed to succeed Verres as praetor of Sicily. (Ascanius in Divinat.) Motellus went against the pirates in Sicily, (not Cilicia, as incorrectly written in Livy's Epitome) and was victorious. (Livy l. 98. Oros. l. 6. c. 3.) When the Sicilians impeached Verres for extortion, Cicero was appointed to represent them. Cicero had a dispute with Hornensius, who was designed consul. (Cicero in Bruio.) In this Q. Cecilius Niger tried his best to prosecute the impeachment of Verres instead of Cicero. Q. Cicilius Niger was Verres' quaestor in that island. He was a Sicilian by descent (as Pedianus noted in Divination adversus Cacilium) and a free man and a Jew by religion. Plutarch writes in the life of Cicero where he relates the jest which Cicero made of Caecilius for being a Jew. It was based on a play on the the word "verres" which means castrated pig in Latin.

``What has a Jew got to do with a pig?''

4220. The passage of Cicero (l. 5. against Verres) shows the condition of things at that time.

``Notwithstanding all this, let him come if he please, let him engage with the Cretians in a battle, let him free the Byzantians, let him call Ptolemy king, let him speak and think whatever Hortensins would have him.''

4221. This agreed with another passage in an letter which Mithridates wrote the next year to Arsaces. (Salust. l. 4. histor.)

``The Cretians were at that time the only people who retained their freedom and king Ptolemy. A little later Ptolemy delayed the battle he was hired to fight. When the Cretians had been attacked once, they were resolved not to stop until they were utterly defeated.''

4222. By comparing the two passages, we may gather that the Romans used for their own advantage the right which Antiochus Asiaticus claimed to the kingdom of Egypt. They deemed it convenient that Ptolemy Alexander should be called king as long as he would purchase the quiet possession of that kingdom by paying a constant tribute. Also that the Romans were fully resolved to start again the first war with Crete which was ended by the death of M. Antionius. This all happened in the following year as we shall see.

4223. Lucullus marched into Asia, which was still in arrears a quarter part of the fruits because of a fine which Sulla had imposed. This tribute was proportioned according to their houses and number of servants. (Appian.) The collectors and money lenders had made such havock of the cities of Asia and had treated them so slavishly. They were compelled to sell privately their sons and their daughters into slavery and sell their ornaments, pictures and images. The end of this was that they became slaves to their creditors.

4224. Lucullus took such an action with those pestilent fellows that within 4 years all obligations were satisfied and possessions were restored free again to their owners to inherit. This public debt was 20,000 talents which Sulla had imposed upon Asia. The creditors were allowed only double the sum which by their usuries had amounted to 120,000 talents. The creditors thought this was too hard a measure and slandered Lucullus at Rome and had the important Romans to be against him. However Lucullus was very well liked by those countries where he had done those good services. He was greatly endeared to all the other provinces who esteemed those people very happy whose lot it was to have such a governor as he was appointed over them. (Plutarch.)

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4225. After Lucullus had fully settled Asia with many excellent laws and an universal peace, he relaxed and enjoyed himself. He lived at Athens and he delighted the cities with shows, triumphal feasts, wrestling and fencing. The cities kept the holiday of Lucullia to honour him. He was not as affected by this as the affection they bore toward him. (Plutarch.)

4226. Tigranes killed Cleopatra, surnamed Selena after he kept her securely as a prisoner in the citadel at Seleucia. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 749.) Antiochus Asiaticus, who had some hopes of recovering the kingdom of Egypt by right of his mother, was dispossessed of that part of Syria which she held.

4227. As soon as Tigranes returned to Antioch, Appius the delegate declared publicly that he was come to take Mithridates, as belonging to Lucullus' triumph and if Tigranes refused to surrender him, he was to proclaim war against Tigranes. Tigranes was somewhat troubled with the delegate's outspoken behaviour but held his peace to see what else he would say. In almost 25 years, he had not heard anyone speak freely to him until now. It was for so many years he had reigned or rather played the part of a forager. He replied to Appius that he knew very well that Mithridates was a very wicked man yet he must respect the alliance between them. All the world might well cry out against him, if he should surrender his wife's father into the hands of his enemies. He was therefore resolved not to desert Mithridates and if the Romans started a war, he could put up a good fight. He was very offended at Lucullus because in his letter he had greeted him as king only and not as king of kings. Therefore to get even, when he wrote back, he did not address Lucullus by the title of general. Appius returned quickly to the general. Of the many other presents the king offered him, he accepted only one cup of gold. He feared lest he offend the king if he refused all the presents. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 749. cf. Memnon, c. 48.)

4228. When Tigranes learned that Zarbienus, the king of the Gordians, had secretly allied himself with Lucullus, he killed him with his wife and children. (Plutarch, in Lucullo.)

4229. As soon as Appius was returned and the war with Tigranes was planned, Lucullus paid his holy vows to his gods at Ephesus, as if the victory had been already won. He marched back again into Pontus and camped before Sinope or rather besieged the king's party of Cilicians who were garrisoned there. (Plutarch, in Lucullo. cf. Appian. p. 228.) For as the city was assaulted from outside the walls by the Romans, so was it within the walls by the commander whom Mithridates had appointed to keep the town. The commander was called Cleochares according to Orosius, or Bacchis, according to Strabo. He feared treachery among the citizens and therefore committed various massacres among the citizens. Hence the citizens neither had heart to courageously resist the enemy nor were they in a position to conditionally surrender. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 546.) Memnon said this about that event.

4230. The king had entrusted Leonippus along with Cleochares to defend the city. Leonippus saw that things were hopeless and sent to Lucullus about surrendering the city. However, Cleochares and Seleucus, the chief pirate who was Mithridates' delegate and was in equal authority with the rest, detected a plot. They called a council and accused Leonippus. The citizens paid no attention to the accusation since they had a very high opinion of the man's integrity. Thereupon Cleochares' faction was afraid of his following among the common people and treacherously killed him at night. The common people were deeply disturbed by this. However Cleochares and his party prevailed and did what they wished. They thought that by carrying things with such an high hand, they could escape being calling into account for the murder of Leonippus. (Memnon, c. 55.)

4231. Meanwhile Censorinus, admiral of the Roman fleet, sailed with 15 galleys of 3 tiers of oars which were loaded with provisions. They sailed from Bosphorus for the Roman camp and arrived near Sinope. Cleochares' and Seleucus' Sinopian galleys under the command of Seleucus put to sea and fought with Censorinus. The Italians were defeated and their ships with their provisions were taken away as a prize. Cleochares and his colleague was elevated with this success and behaved more tyrannically than before. They hailed the townsmen to execution without any legal processes and cruelly abused them in other ways. It happened that Cleochares and Selcucus became at odds with each other. Cleochares deemed it best to continue the war but Seleucus wanted to kill all Sinopians and surrender the city to the Romans as a good gratuity. Since they could not agree about the business, they put all they had into ships and sent them away to Machares, Mithridates' son, who at was at that time living at Colchis. (Memnon, c. 55.)

4232. About that time, Lucullus drew up closer to the city and made a most intense attack on it. Machares, Mithridates' son, sent an embassy to Lucullus and requested a league of friendship between them. The petition was courteously received and he told him that there should be a firm league between them provided that they send no more supplies to the Sinopians. Machares observed this and whatever was intended for the relief of Mithridates' party, he ordered it sent to Lucullus. (Memnon c. 56.) Machares, king of Bosphorus, gave Lucullus a coronet valued at 1000 crowns and was admitted as an ally and confederate of the Romans. (Livy l. 98. cf. Plutarch, & Appian.)

4233. Cleochares and Seleucus saw how things went and knew they were in a desperate condition. Thereupon they massacred many of the citizens and carried an abundance of wealth to their ships. They let their soldiers plunder the town then they burned it. After this they burnt their larger ships and they sailed away by night with the smaller ones to the inner parts of Pontus and lived by the Sanegians and the Lazians. When Lucullus saw the fire he guessed what had happened and ordered his soldiers to scale the walls. As soon as he entered the town, he killed 8000 of the king's party who remained behind. He had great pity on the rest and hurried to put out the fires and restored the citizens' goods. Thus was this miserable city by the hands of friends and foes, ruined by those who came to defend it and preserved by those who came to ruin it. (Memnon, c. 56. Plutarch Appian. Orosius l. 6. c. 3.)

4234. The reason why Lucullus took such a care of preserving Sinope and later enfranchising it was this. It was rumoured to be some admonition which he received in a dream. For in his sleep one appeared at his bed side and spoke these words:

``Go a little forward Lucullus for Autolychus is coming to meet thee''

4235. When he awoke, he could not possibly imagine what this meant. The same day that he took the city, he saw a statue lying by the sea shore in his pursuit of the Cilicians who fled away by ship. The Cilicians planned to have made it their companion in their escape and to that end wrapped it up in clothes and bound it up with cords. They did not have enough time to get it onto the ship. When the Romans unwrapped it, Lucullus saw that it looked like the one who appeared to him in a dream the previous night. Later he learned that it was the statue of Autolychus who was the founder of the city of Sinope. When he heard this, he remembered Sulla's warning who wrote in his commentaries that nothing is to be accounted so sure and certain as that which is shown in dreams. (Plutarch, & Appian.) This statue of Autolychus was made by Sthenides. Lucullus took it and Billarus' sphere with him but left all other ornaments of the city behind. (Strabo, l. 12.)

4236. After he was finished at Sinope, he restored Amisus to its inhabitants who fled away in ships. He granted the city the right to use their own laws and gave them their freedom. (Appian.) He repopulated cities for other Greeks, even for as many who wished that favour from him. He added to each city 15 miles of land. Moreover, he was kind to the Athenians who in the time of Sulla had escaped there to live because of Aristion's tyranny. He gave the ones still living clothes and 200 drachmas each and sent them back to their country. (Plutarch.)

4237. Amasea, Strabo the geographer's country, still held out against the Romans, but yielded soon after. (Memnon, c. 56.)

4238. After Cotta had destroyed all around Heraclea, he again attacked the walls. The soldiers lacked enthusiasm for this and he gave up on it. He sent for Triarius and ordered him to quickly blockade the way and intercept the supplies that came by sea for the townsmen. (Memnon. c. 51.)