THE ANNALS THE WORLD

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3679b AM, 4389 JP, 325 BC

2248. As Alexander was marching towards Carmania, he received news of the death of Philippus, the governor of the Oxydracans and Mallians. Thereupon he wrote to Eudemus and Taxilas and in his letters he gave them the charge of these two provinces until he would send a governor to replace Philip.

2249. As soon as he entered Carmania, Asaspes the governor of that province met him. He was suspected that he would have revolted from Alexander while he was in India. Alexander concealed the grudge he had toward him and received him very graciously. He treated him according to his rank and station. Meanwhile, Alexander tried to determine if the charges were true.

2250. Craterus came to Alexander with the rest of the army and the elephants. He brought with him Ordones or Ozines and Zariaspes whom he had taken into custody for trying to revolt in Persia. Stasanor, the governor of the provinces of Parthia and Hircania came to him with the captains and commanders of all those forces which he had formerly left with Parmenion in the province of Media. That is Cleander, Sitalces, Heracon and Agetho who brought him 5000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry.

2251. Various governors in the parts of India sent him a huge number of horses and other beasts of burden. Some were for pack animals and others for military use. These came from every country of his dominions in India. Stasanor and Phrataphernes brought him a huge number of draft horses and camels. Alexander distributed them all among those that wanted them to carry their goods with. He gave some to select captains and the rest he distributed among the soldiers, by troops and companies, as he saw was needed. He also armed his soldiers with new weapons. The reason was they now drew near to Persia. It was a peaceful and very wealthy country.

2252. Alexander (as Arrian reports from Aristobulus) offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving to his gods for his victory over the Indians and for the safe journey of his army from Gedrosia. He entertained his armies with sports of music, wrestlings and such like. Moreover he made Pencestes, who covered him with his shield in the country of the Mallians, to be the chief captain of his bodyguard. At that time, only 7 men had this honour, Leonatus, Hephaestion, Lysimachus, Aristonus (all born in Pella), Perdiccas a Macedonian, Ptolemy the son of Lagus and Pithon. The 8th man was Pencestes for his bravery in saving the king from the Mallians. Other writers, including Diodorus, Curtius and Plutarch, state that Alexander imitated Bacchus. In a drunken manner, he with his army spent 7 days crossing through Carmania. (Diod. Sic. & Plutarch in the life of Alexander and in the book of his good fortune & Curt. l. 9. c. 18. l. 3. c. 9, 24. l. 8. c. 19.) Arrian thinks this was unlikely since neither Ptolemy, Aristobulus nor any other credible writer mentions it.

2253. Aspastes the governor of Carmania, was put to death and was replaced by Tlepolemus. (Curt. l. 9. c. 18. Arrian. l. 6. p. 142. & in his Indica, p. 193.)

2254. Cleander and Sitalces who slew Parmenion by Alexander's orders, were accused to Alexander for many villainies (which I mentioned before) which they had done along with their subordinates and the army. Their act of killing Parmenion could not atone for such a number of villainies and gross misbehaviour as they were charged with. Therefore Alexander put them in chains to be executed when he thought fit. However, Alexander executed the 700 private soldiers whom they had used as to perform their villainies. At the same time Alexander had Ozines and Zariaspes executed whom Craterus had brought as prisoners for attempting to rebel in Persia as we noted before.

2255. Meanwhile Nearchus had sailed along the coast of the Arabians, the Oritans, the Gedrosians and the Icthyophagians (so called because they lived only upon fish) and arrived in the Gulf of Persia. He came to Harmozia or Armusia (which is now called Orus or Ormusa) and there drew up his ships. He went overland with a small retinue to Alexander. A Greek from Alexander's army told Nearchus that Alexander was not more than a 5 day journey from there. He found Alexander in a sea town called Salmus, busy making a stage play there and sitting in the open theatre.

2256. Alexander sacrificed there to Jupiter, by the name of a deliverer and to Hercules and Apollo, the deliverer from evil and Neptune for bringing his army safely across the ocean. He held sports, games of music and other gymnastic exercises. He had a pageant that was led by Nearchus. All the army worked to get flowers and garlands to bestow on him.

 2257. When Alexander had heard the entire story of the voyage, he sent Nearchus back to the fleet with a small army to escort him. The whole country which he was to pass through was thought to be friendly. Alexander wanted him to sail up as far as the mouth of the Euphrates and be ready to row up to Babylon when ordered to.

2258. Tlepolemus was barely governor of Carmania, when the natives rebelled and took over the principal and strongest places of that country. These also attacked Nearchus on his return in various places so that he was often forced to flee 2 or 3 times in a day. After much trouble, he came safely to the sea side. He sacrificed to Jupiter his deliverer and held games of dancing, running, wrestling and the like. Then he sailed from Ormuse and followed the coast of the Persian Gulf. He finally came to the mouth of the Euphrates River. (Arrian. in his Indica from Nearchus)

2259. When Alexander received letters from Porcus and Taxiles that Abisarus was dead, he gave his kingdom to his son. He sent Eudemon or Eudemus who was commander of the Thracians to take over the government of the Oxydracans and Mallians and replace Philip who was killed.

2260. Alexander sent Hephaestion with the larger part of the army and with the wagons and elephants to go from Carmania to Persia by sea. The Persian Sea in the winter is always calm and there was abundant supplies in those parts.

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 2261. Stasanor was sent back to his government. Alexander with the choicest of his foot soldiers, the cavalry of his confederates and some of his archers marched to Pasargadas in Persia. He gave money to the women as was the custom of the Persian kings. Whenever they came into Persia, they gave to every woman there a piece of gold.

2262. As soon as he entered Persia, Orsines or Orxines met him. After the death of Phrasaortes, he was appointed governor there since Alexander was away far off in India. By Orsines' authority, the Persians were kept in subjection and in allegiance to Alexander until he ordered another governor to replace the dead one. Orsines was descended from one of the seven princes of Persia and traced his lineage from Cyrus. He came and met Alexander. He presented him and all his friends with rich gifts. He gave nothing to Bagoas the eunuch and the king's other homosexual lovers. He said it was not the Persian custom to show any respect to men who allowed themselves to be sexually used as women. This proved later to be the reason of his death. (Curt. l. 4. c. 27. & l. 10. c. 3. Arrian. l. 6.)

2263. While he was at Pasargadas there Atropates, the governor of Media arrived bringing with him the prisoner Baryaxes a Median who had worn his turban upright and called himself king of the Medes and Persians. Therefore he brought him as a prisoner to the king along with all those who had been part of the conspiracy. Alexander had them all executed immediately.

2264. Alexander was most of all offended at that vandalism of Cyrus' monument. He found it all broken down and spoiled. All the precious things which he had previously seen there except for a lector and a golden urn in which his body was placed, was stolen. The urn was broken and the covering of the urn taken off and his very body tumbled from it by those sacrilegious thieves. They had also tried to hew in pieces and batter the urn or coffin so they could carry it away in pieces more easily. This they were unable to do and they left it behind. Alexander ordered Aristobulus to rebuild his sepulchre as it was before. The parts of his body which were left were to be placed into the urn again and a new cover made for it. He was to restore everything as it was before. Then he was to seal the door which led into the chapel where the body lay with lime and stone and place the impression of the king's seal upon it. (Strabo from Aristobulus, l. 5. p. 173. & Arrian l. 6. fin.)

2265. After this Alexander commanded the magi who guarded the sepulchre to be racked to make them confess who did this sacrilege. When they told him nothing they were let go. However, Plutarch says that Polymachus a Pellaean noble was put to death by Alexander for opening and looking into the sepulchre.

2266. From Pasargada, Alexander marched to Persepolis the royal seat of the kings of Persia. On his previous visit he had set it on fire and burned it to the very ground. However on his return there, he blamed himself for doing this. Orsines the governor there was falsely accused of many misdeeds. He is said to have spoiled and robbed the king's houses and sepulchres of the dead and executed many of the Persian nobility. In particular, Bagoas the eunuch put it into the king's head that perhaps it was Orsines that had robbed the sepulchre of Cyrus too. For he said that he had heard Darius say there were 3000 talents stored there. Bagoas persisted so far with the king that he immediately caused the noblest person of all the Persian nation and Alexander's most affectionate servant to be crucified. Hence Bagoas got revenge against Orsines because he disapproved of Bagoas' homosexual lifestyle.

2267. At the same time, Phradtes, who had been formerly governor of the Hircanains, Mardians and Tapyrians was suspected of making himself a king and was executed. (Curt. l. 8. c. 8. & l. 10. c. 4.)

2268. Alexander made Pencestes governor of Persia. He had proved his worth many times over especially in that danger of his among the Mallians. Of all the Macedonians, only Pencestes adopted Median clothes and started to learn the Persian language and began to order all matters after the Persian attire. Alexander commended him greatly for this and the Persians were glad to see him use the Persian rather than the Macedonian attire.

2269. A new fancy struck Alexander. He wanted go down the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers to see the Persian Sea and how those rivers entered into the Ocean. This he had done at the Indus River's mouth. Also, he planned to sail around the coast of Arabia first and then of all Africa. He would return into the Mediterranean Sea and to Macedon by the way of Hercules' Pillars. (Arrian. l. 7.) When he was in this frame of mind, he ordered the governors of Mesopotamia to buy timber in Lebanon and to carry it to Thapsacus a city in Syria. They were to make keels for huge ships to be built on. They were not all of seven banks of oars high, as Curtius says. Some were of one size and some of another as we shall see shortly from Aristobulus. They were all to be brought overland to Babylon. The kings of Cyprus were ordered to provide brass, equipment and sails for this fleet, (Curt. l. 10. c. 2.)

2270. Nearchus and Onesicritus arrived with the fleet at the mouth of the Euphrates and anchored at Diridoris which is the chief market town of the whole province of Babylon. The merchants of Arabia sold their frankincense and spices here. When they heard that Alexander wanted to go to Susa, they went back and over to the mouth of the Pasitigris River. They rowed up that river and came to a country well inhabited and with plentiful provisions. When they had rowed about 19 miles, they came to an harbour there. They stayed there and waited for the return of those whom Nearchus had sent to find out where the king was. Meanwhile Nearchus sacrificed there to the gods, his deliverers and held games. All sailors were involved in this pastime and merriment. (Arrian. in his Indica.)

2271. Calanus was an Indian and of the Gymnosophista or the sect of Philosophers who went naked. In all his 73 years he had never felt an ache in his bones or other sickness in his body. He happened now to become ill with his first sickness at Pasargadas. He began to feel sick and he grew weaker every day. When he came to the borders of Susa, (for there it was that this happened according to Diodorus and not in a suburb of the city of Babylon according to Elian. l. 5. Varia. Histor. c. 6.) he asked Alexander if he would make a large pile of wood. When he climbed on top of it, he wanted some of his servants to set it on fire. At first the king endeavoured to dissuade him from his plan. When he could not, the man told him he would die some other way. Alexander ordered a pile of wood made as he desired. He had Ptolemy the son of Lagus take care of this. (Diod. Sic. l. 17. Strabo, l. 15. p. 686, 717. & Arrian. l. 7.) As he was going to the pile of wood, he greeted and kissed the hands and bade farewell to all the rest of his friends. He would not kiss Alexander's hand for he said that he would meet with him at Babylon and would have lots of time to kiss it there. He meant that Alexander would die at Babylon and predicted his death there. (Arrian. l. 7. p. 160. Plut. in Alex. Cic. l. 1. De Divinat. Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 8.)

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 2272. Nearchus tells us that as soon as the fire was started, Alexander had the trumpets sound. All the army that were there gave a shout as if they had been ready to join in a battle. Also at the same time the elephants made a noise like they used to do when they entered into a battle. It was as if all had planned to honour the funeral of Calanus. (Arrian.)

2273. Chares of Mitylene, adds that Alexander to honour his funeral proclaimed a prize for the musicians and wrestlers. To please the Indian nation, he held a drinking match which was their custom. He awarded a talent to him who could drink the most, 30 pounds for second prize and 20 for the third prize. Alexander held a feast for his friends and captains. At that feast, Promachus drank the most. He drank 4 gallons and one bottle and was awarded first prize. He died three days later. 35 of the rest were chilled by the event. 6 others died shortly thereafter in their tents. (Athenaus, l. 10. c. 12. Plutarch in Alexander. Elian, Varia. Histor. l. 2. c. 42.)

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2274. Nearchus and Onesicritus with their naval forces continued their course up the Pasitigris River and came to a recently built bridge over which Alexander with his army was to pass. They sailed into Susa and laid anchor. (Arrian. in his Indica, p. 197.) Pliny (l. 6. c. 23.) says they found him at Susa observing a holiday. This was 7 months after he left them at Patala and in the 3rd month after they set sail from there. This really was in the sixth month since we have already shown that they left Patalene in the next month after he left them at the city Patala.

2275. When the naval and land forces came together, Alexander offered sacrifices again for both his navy's and army's preservation. He held plays and games for it. Wherever Nearchus went through the camp, every man scattered flowers and placed garlands on him. (Arrian. in his Indica, p. 197.)

2276. After Alexander had sent away Attopates to his province, he marched to Susa. Abulites who had made no preparation at all for his entertainment, only presented him with 3000 talents of silver. Alexander ordered him to lay it before his horses. When they would not do it Alexander asked for what purpose then is this money? Plutarch says that Alexander laid Abulites in irons and ran his son Oxathres or Oxyartes through with a javelin. Arrian says that he put both the father and son to death for their bad behaviour in the government at Susa.

2277. Many of the people of the countries which he had conquered, came in and complained about their governors. The governors never even dreamed that Alexander would ever return alive from India. Therefore they committed many and monstrous outrages on the temples of their gods, the sepulchres of the dead and the on their subjects and property. Alexander ordered all of those governors to be executed in the view of those who came to complain against them without any respect of nobility, favour or service which they had done. He executed Cleander and Sitalees whom he had condemned while he was yet in Carmania because they were as guilty as the rest. Heracon who up until now had escaped scot free, was now accused by the men of Susa for robbing and ransacking their temple. He was convicted and executed. Alexander was ready to listen to even a slight accusation about trivial matters and to punish it with death and torment. He did this even for small offences because he thought that they who acted improperly on small matters intended greater evils in their mind.

2278. When the fame of Alexander's severity against his officials spread, many feared what would become of them knowing how they had behaved. Some got all the money they could and fled to parts unknown. Others who commanded mercenary troops, openly revolted from Alexander. Thereupon Alexander sent letters to all the governors of the countries throughout all Asia to disband and send away all mercenary troops. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113.)

2279. No sooner then were the mercenary troops discharged, then they wandered over all Asia with no work. They lived from the spoil of the country until at length they all came into one body at Tenarus in Laconia. Likewise all the commanders and governors of the Persians who were left, gathered together what men and money they could and came to Tenarus. They all joined their forces together there. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 113. & year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2280. Alexander married Statira, the eldest daughter of Darius, and according to Aristobulus, Parysaris, the youngest daughter of Ochus. He gave Drypates, the youngest daughter of Darius and his own wife's sister in marriage to Hephaestion. He gave to Craterus, Amestris, the daughter of Oxyarta or Oxathra, a daughter of Oxathres, the brother of Darius. Perdiccas married the daughter of Attopates the governor of Media. Nearchus married the daughter of Spitamenes the Bactrian. He gave to Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the captain of his bodyguard and to Eumenes the two daughters of Artabazus and sisters to Barsina. By whom, though not in lawful wedlock, Alexander had a son called Hercules. Ptolemy's wife was called Artacama or Apama. Eumenes married Artonis. Note that the name "Barsine" in Arrian, (l. 7. p. 148.) is written for "Statira". However, in Plutarch, in the beginning of the Life of Eumenes, he so names his wife instead of "Artonis".

2281. To all the rest of his friends, Alexander gave wives, from the most illustrious families that were of the Medes and Persians. The number according to Arrian was 80 or 90 according to Elian or 92 according to Chares, or 100 according to Plutarch in his discourse of the Fortune of Alexander. These marriages of Alexander and his friends were all made and solemnised at the same time. The king bestowed a dowry for each one of them. For 5 days they celebrated these marriages with pomp, magnificent feasts and parties according to Elian. (l. 8. c. 7. Var. Hist. & by Atheneus, Deipnosoph. l. 12. c. 18. from Chares of Mytylene, l. 10 of his History of Alexander.) To each of the 9000 guests, he gave a golden vial to sacrifice a drink offering with. To the rest of the 10,000 Macedonians who had formerly married wives from Asia he gave each man wedding gifts.

2282. Moreover, he thought it fitting at this time to pay every one of his soldiers' debts from his own funds. He ordered that each one should submit a ticket of what he owed and they would be given the money to pay their debt. At first very few gave in their tickets for they feared that this was but a scheme of the king's to find out who they were that could not live on their pay because of their riotous living. Among those who submitted a ticket was Antigenes. He had only one eye and had lost the other under Philip at the siege of Perinthis by an arrow from the wall. He pretended to be more in debt than indeed he was and brought a man to the pay master who affirmed that he had lent Antigenes so much money. Thereupon Antigenes received the money he asked for. The king was later informed of this abuse and was very angry. Alexander forbade him from ever coming within his court and removed him from his office. Antigenes took this ignominy to heart and thought to commit suicide. When Alexander knew of this, he forgave him and allowed him to enjoy his money.

2283. When Alexander heard that many who were truly in debt would not turn in their names to be given money to pay their debts, he publicly blamed them for being so distrustful of him. He said that a king should only be honest with his subjects just as the subjects should think the king was totally honest and fair to them. Then he had tables to be set out in various places of the camp with money on them. Whoever brought in his ticket of what he owed, received his money immediately without being asked so much as what his name was. Then they began to believe that Alexander was a man of his word.

2284. The money he distributed among his soldiers amounted to about 20,000 talents, according to Justin and Arrian. Diodorus is likely more accurate when he says it was less than 10,000 talents. Curtius and Plutarch say that of 10,000 talents brought, there were only 130 left after all were paid. Curtius says:

``So that army the conqueror of so many nations, brought yet more honour and glory then spoil and riches from Asia.''

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 2285. Alexander gave other gifts at that time to various men in the army either according to degree and quality or in regard of some memorable service which they had done. For those who excelled in this bravery, he gave in addition crowns of gold to wear. The first one was given to Pencestes who protected him with his shield against the Mallians. The next he gave to Leonatus, who at the same time also fought most courageously in his defence and had on occasion behaved most bravely in the country of the Oritans. The third he gave to Nearchus who had brought his navy and army on ships safely from India through the ocean. The fourth crown was given to Onesicritus, the pilot of the king's ships. Hephaestion and other captains of his bodyguard received crowns also.

2286. Meanwhile the governors of various cities which he had built and various provinces he had subdued, brought 30,000 troops to him at Susa from Persia and other nations. (See note on 3676 AM.) These were all good strong young men. These were selected by the king's command and trained in the Macedonian military manner. They were all gloriously armed and camped before the walls of Susa. When they had proven their readiness and skill in military discipline before the king, the king highly reward them. He called them the Epigoni, that is, of a later troop replacing those who in feats of chivalry and conquering the world had gone before them.

3679d AM, 4389 JP, 325 BC

2287. Alexander had turned over most of his land army to Hephaestion to be led to the coast of the Persian Gulf. He had ordered his navy to come to the country of Susa. He sailed there with his silver targeteers, his phalanx or main squadron and part of his fellow cavalliers. They sailed down the Ulay River into the Persian Gulf. Before he came there, he left many of his ships which were leaky or damaged. With the rest he sailed from the mouth of that river by sea to the Tigris River. The rest he sent up the channel connecting the Tigris with the Ulay River and so they all came to the Tigris River.

2288. Alexander sailed along the shore of the Persian Gulf which lies between the mouth of the Ulay and Tigris Rivers and came to his camp. Hephaestion with the army was waiting for his arrival. He returned again to the city of Opis on the bank of the Tigris River. As he went on, he had all the dams, locks and sluices removed which the Persians had made on that river to hinder enemy access by the sea to Babylon. He said they were devises of little worth. (Arrian. l. 7. with Strabo. l. 16. p. 740.)

2289. As soon as he came to Opis, he called all his army together and declared to them what his plans were. He wanted to discharge all who through age or otherwise found themselves unfit for military service. These would be free to return home. He promised to make the conditions of those who stayed so wonderful and to bestow such gifts upon them as to make their eyes ache of those who were idle at home. This would encourage the rest of the Macedonians to come and share with them in their fortunes.

2290. He did this planning to honour the Macedonians. However, they took it as if he was ashambed of them and counted them no better than a company of useless men for his wars. They seemed anxious to recall all other grievances and occasions of discontent he had done to them. He was wearing a Median robe and that all those marriages that he made were all solemnized after the Persian manner. Pencestes his governor of Persia had turned completely Persian both in clothing and language. Alexander delighted too much in these new customs and foreign fashions. The Bactrians, Sogdians, Arachosians, Zarangians, Arians, Parthians and Persian cavalry who were called Euaca were mixed with and counted among his fellow cavaliers. There was a 5th Brigade of cavalry set up. It was not composed completely of foreigners but yet an increasing the number of his cavalry were from foreign countries. Cophes the son of Artabazus, Hydarves and Artiboles, the two sons of Mazaeus, Itanes the son of Oxyartes and brother to Roxane, Alexander's wife, Aegobares and his brother Mithrobaeus were in this new regiment. Hydaspes a Bactrian, was the commander over that regiment. Instead of the Macedonian spear, they used a javelin, after the custom of the foreign nations. He had created a new company of young foreigners and called them Epigoni and armed them after the Macedonian manner. Finally, in all things he despised and scorned the Macedonian discipline and customs and even the Macedonians themselves. Therefore they all cried out and desired to be discharged and to serve no longer in the wars. They bid him and his father Hammon to go and fight after this if they wanted to since he grew weary of and cared no more for his own soldiers who had previously fought for him.

2291. In this revolt, Alexander, enraged as he was, leaped off the place where he stood speaking to them. With such captains as were around him, he flew in among them and took 13 of the principal rebels who had stirred up this sedition among the rest. He delivered them to the serjeants to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the Tigris River. So great was either the dread of the king on them or the resolution of the king himself in executing them according to marshal discipline that they took their death so patiently as they did. Then Alexander accompanied by only his friends and captians of his bodyguard, went to his lodging. He neither ate nor slept nor allowed any man to come into his presence all that day nor the one following.

2292. On the 3rd day, he ordered the Macedonians to stay in their tents and called his foreign soldiers together. When they came, he spoke to them by an interpreter and ordered their perpetual loyalty to himself and to their former kings. He recalled all the many favours and honours which he had conferred upon them how he had never used them as conquered persons but as fellow soldiers and partners in all his conquests. He had mixed the conquered with the conquerors by intermarriage. He said:

``Therefore, count not yourselves as made, but born my soldiers. The kingdoms of Asia and Europe are become all one. What was novelty before is now grown natural by long use and custom and you are no less my country men than you are my soldiers.''

2293. After this he chose from them 1000 tall young men and appointed them for his personal bodyguards. He gave the chief commands of the army to the Persians and called the various troops and companies by Macedonian names. These he also called his kinfolk and friends. He only allowed them the privilege to be admitted to kiss his hand. (See Polyanus Stratag. 4. in Alexander num. 7.)

2294. The Macedonians saw the king come out guarded only with Persians and that all the serjeants and other attendants were Persions. Only Persians were promoted to all the places of dignity and honour and the Macedonians were set aside with scorn and infamy. Their courage failed and they conferred a while among themselves. Then they ran all together to the king's lodging and cast off all their clothes to their very waist coats. They threw down their arms at the court gates and stood outside and begged to be admitted. They offered to turn over every author of that rebellion and desired the king to be satisfied with their deaths rather than their disgraces. Although Alexander was no longer angry, he would not let them in. On the contrary they would not go away but continued there crying and howling two whole days and nights. They called on him by the name of lord and master and promised never to leave his gate until he had mercy on them. On the 3rd day he came out to them. He saw their humiliation and dejection before him with their genuine sorrow. He heard their pitiful complaint and lamentation which they made and was moved with compassion for them. He wept a long time over them. He stood a good while as if he would speak to them but could not and they continued all that time on their knees before him.

2295. Callines, a man venerable for his age and of great esteem in the regiment of his fellow cavaliers, spoke to him.

``This is what O king which grieves your Macedonians that now you have made some of the Persians your cousins and these you have received to kiss your hand and have deprived your Macedonians of this honour,''

2296. When he would have proceeded, Alexander interrupted him, and said:

``I now make you all my cousins and from henceforth will call you by that name.''

2297. When he had said this, Callines stepped out and went and kissed his hand and so did as many others who wanted to. Every man took up his arms again and they all returned with joy and triumph into the camp.

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 2298. Then the king went and sacrificed to the gods as he was accustomed to do. He made a general feast for all the army. He sat down first. Then his Macedonians were seated and then the Persians. After them, the rest according to their various ranks and stations in the army. Then Alexander took from the bowl and drank. So it went round among the Macedonians. The Greek prophets and Persian priests poured forth their prayers. Among all the favours they asked from their gods for him, was to grant a concord and unity of empire between the Macedonian and Persian kingdoms. It is said that there were 9000 guests who sat at this feast and that they all pledged this concord and sang the same Paeana, or song of joy and gladness to Apollo as they used to do when they returned from a victory to their camp.

2299. Alexander passed over the Tigris River and camped in a country called Cares. When he crossed the region called Sitacene in a 4 day march, he came to Sambana. He camped here 7 days and then after a 3 day journey, he arrived at Celovae. Before this, Xerxes had made a colony of those whom he brought from Baeotia. Then turning aside from the way to Babylon, he went to see Bagisthenes, a country abounding with fruit and all other commodities that are good for one's health and pleasure.

2300. Meanwhile, Harpalus a Macedonian who was the chief baron and treasurer of all the king's money in Babylon and revenues of that whole province, knew well of his wastefulness and bad conduct in that office. He also knew what Alexander had done to many other governors when complaints were made about them by their subjects. He got 5000 talents of silver and 6000 mercenaries and fled from Asia and came with them to Taenarus in Laconia. He left them there. (Others who could not stay in Asia had already exciled themselves here, as I said before) He went to Athens in a humble manner. When Antipater and Olympias demanded him from their hands, he so dealt with the people of Athens by seeing Demosthenes and other orators there that he escaped and returned safely to his company at Taenarus. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113. Pausanias in his Attica, Plurtarch in the lives of Demosthenes and Phocyon,) In Arrian there is a blank left, (l. 7. p. 155.) where the flight of Harpalus from Babylon should have been recorded with that journey of Alexander's after, (as appears by Photius in his Biblioth, c. 91.) There was an action brought against Harpalus for bribes he received according to Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, in the end of his Epistle to Ammaeus concerning Demosthens when Anticles was archon at Athens. This was, as I said before, in this 4th year of the 113th Olympiad, according to his account.

2301. Hephaestion and Eumenes had an argument about a certain gift and exchanged many harsh words. Alexander settled the difference and made them friends again. Hephaestion was unwilling at first and Alexander had to threaten him. However, Eumenes was content with the settlement. (Plut. in Eumenes. Arrian. l. 7. p. 155.)

3680a AM, 4389 JP, 325 BC

2302. Alexander went from there into a country, where great herds of horses of the Persian kings grazed. In this place, called the Nicean Country, there were used to be kept 150,000 or 160,000 of the king's horses. When Alexander came there, he found about 50,000 horses. (Arrian) Diodorus Sicilus states there were about 60,000 horses. Most of the horses had been stolen.

2303. When Alexander had camped here 30 days, he marched again and 7 days later came to Ecbatane, the chief city of all Media. Its circumference was over 31 miles. As his custom was after any good success, he offered sacrifices and held games of music, gymnastics and exercises in honour of his gods. He feasted with his friends. When he had ordered matters there, he returned again to see his stage players and actors play their parts. He instituted certain feasts because 3000 cooks and their helpers had come to him from Greece.

2304. Apollodorus of Amphipolis was a friend of Alexander and whom he had made general of that army which he had left with Mazaeus when he made him governor of the city and province of Babylon. When he heard what had happened to other governors Alexander had placed over his kingdom, he was afraid just as his friend Harpalus was before him. Apollodorus had a brother called Pythagoras, who was a soothsayer. He consulted him by letters to find out what was likely to happen to him. Pythagoras sent back letters and desired to know whom he feared that he wanted his fortune told? He replied that it was for fear of Alexander and Hephaestion. Thereupon Pythagoras looked into the entrails of a beast for Hephaestion. When he found that its liver had no fibres, he wrote back again to his brother from Babylon to Ecbatane. He told him not to fear Hephaestion for he would soon die. Aristobulus states this letter was written the very day before Hephaestion died. (Arrian. l. 7. with Apian, toward the end of his second book De Bell. Civi.)

2305. Hephaestion loved wine too much and became sick because of it. He was a young soldier who would not keep any diet he was told to follow. While his physician Glaucias was away for a time, he ate dinner as he did at other times. He had a roasted guinea fowl and took a huge draught of chilled wine after it. He became sick and died 7 days later from this.

2306. On the same day there were gymnastic games performed before the king by the pages of the court. When he was told of Hephaestion's illness, he suddenly arose from the games and went to see Hephaestion. When he came, he found him dead. Thereupon he did not eat for 3 days nor take care of himself. He lay all that while either sullenly silent or impatiently lamenting the loss of his Haphaestion. Afterwards he changed his attire and shaved himself. He ordered all the soldiers and even the horses and mules to be all shorn. He had the pinnacles taken from the walls in Ecbatane and all other cities and towns around there. He wanted them to look poorly so they would appear to lament and bewail his death. He crucified his poor physician who could not help him. He ordered that there be no sound of pipe or flute heard in all the camp and ordered a general mourning among all provinces for Hephaestion. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 113. & Plut. in his Alex. & Peloprdas, Arrian. l. 7. & on Epistetus, l. 2. c. 22. & Elian Var. Hist. l. 7. c. 8.)

2307. Alexander gave his body to Perdiccas to be carried to Babylon. He intended to give him a most magnificent funeral. He often spoke with the principal architects around him about making a most splendid monument for him. He spoke most with Stasicrates who knew of rare inventions used for creating and erecting vast buildings.

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 2308. Eumenes feared lest Alexander might think that he was glad for Hephaestion's death. He encouraged Alexander all the more on this project and suggested to him new ways to honour Hephaestion. He devoted himself and his arms to Hephaestion. Various others of Alexander's friends followed Eumenes' example and did likewise. (Plutarch in the life of Eumenes, & Arrian. l. 7.)

2309. Moreover since Hephaestion was the colonel of the regiment of the king's fellow cavaliers, Alexander did not replace him lest the name of Hephaestion should be forgotten among them. He named that regiment, Hephaestion's regiment as he called the cornet after him which he gave to go before them whenever they went to battle. (??)

3680b AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2310. At last to lift his spirits, Alexander started a needless war. He divided his army with Ptolemy and went hunting men and to clear the country as he would clear a forest of wild beasts. He attacked the Cossaeans, a people bordering on the Uxians who lived in the mountainous parts of Media. The Persian kings could never bring them under their subjection. Nor were these people in all these wars ever discouraged or thought that the Macedonians were such great warriors as to be afraid of them. First he took the passes leading through the mountains into their country and wasted their borders. Then he went further on and routed them in various conflicts. He destroyed them wherever he came without mercy and called that Hephaestion's funeral feast. As well Nearchus according to Arrian, tells us that Alexander attacked these Cossaeans in the depths of winter, when they little dreamed of any enemy coming upon them. (Strabo. l. 11. p. 524. Arrian. l. 7. p. 157. & in his Indica, p. 196. See also Polyanus, Stratag. l. 4. in Alexan. num. 31.)

2311. The Cossaeans saw they were being badly defeated and were grieved to see what large numbers of them were taken prisoners. They were forced to redeem their fellow's lives with their own slavery. They surrendered entirely to Alexander's will and pleasure. He granted peace to them on these conditions. They would always obey the king and do whatever he commanded. So Alexander returned with his army after he subdued all that country within 40 days time. He built various cities on the most difficult passes of the country.

2312. Alexander sent Heraclides, with certain shipwrights into Hircania to cut timber there for building ships. They were all to be "men of war", some with decks some without after the Greek design. He had a great desire to see the Caspian Sea and to know to whom it belonged.

3680c AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2313. When he had crossed with his army over the Tigris River, he marched straight towards Babylon. He made many camps along the way and rested his army in various places. When he moved at any time, he made easy marches. When he was about 40 miles from Babylon, he was met by the Chaldean priests and prophets. They were sent to him by one of their own company, called Bellephantes. They advised him that under no conditions should he go to Babylon for if he did, he would die there.

2314. When Alexander was told by Nearchus, (for he dared not talk with Bellephantes) what the Chaldean's message was, he sent many of his friends there. He turned aside from Babylon and would not go into it. He camped about 25 miles from it at a place called Bursia. This perhaps is the same place which Ptolemy calls Bersita, a city long since destroyed.

2315. There Anaxarchus and other Greeks persuaded him not to regard those predictions of the priests and magicians but rather to reject and despise them as vain and false. Thereupon he quoted that iambic verse of Euripades:

``Who best can guess, he the best prophet is.''

2316. Then the Chaldeans desired him that if he would enter that city that at least he would not enter it with his face toward the west. He should take the trouble to go about it and come into it looking toward the east. Aristobulus tells us, that he listened to this. On the first day he marched as far as to the Euphrates River. On the next day, he had the river on his right hand and marched along its bank. He wanted to pass by that part of the city which looked toward the west so that he might come in looking toward the east. When he found that way marshy and hard for his army to pass over, he neglected that very point of their counsel also. He entered Babylon with his face toward the west. (See Appian. toward the end of his second book, De Bello Civi. and Seneca, Suasor. 4.)

2317. When Alexander came to the walls of the city, he looked and saw a flock of crows, fighting and killing one another. Some fell down dead close to him. Apollodorus told him that he had a brother in that city called Pythagoras who was skilled in soothsaying by looking into the bowels of beasts that were offered for sacrifice. He had already consulted the gods that way concerning Alexander. He immediately sent for him and asked him what he found out concerning him. He told Alexander that he found the liver of the beast without any fibres. Alexander asked what that meant. Pythagoras replied that some great evil hangs over your head. (Appian has it that you shall shortly die.) Alexander was not offended by him. Indeed from that time on, Alexander consulted him the more because of his candour in dealing with him. This much Aristobulus relates that he learned directly from Pythagoras.

2318. The Babylonians entertained his army in a very courteous manner as they did the last time he was there. They indulged in ease and luxury. There was no lack of anything there that the heart would desire. (Diod. Sic.)

2319. While Alexander resided at Babylon, there came ambassadors to him from all the parts and nations of the world. For besides those that came out of Asia, from cities, princes and countries there, many came from other countries in Europe and Africa. From Africa came the Ethiopians who lived near the temple of Hammon and from the Carthaginians and other Punic countries bordering all along the sea coast from as far as the Pillars of Hercules and the western sea. From Europe came ambassadors from various cities of Greece, Macedon, Thracians, Illyrians and Scythians. The Brutians, Lucanians and Etruscians came from Italy along with the islands of Sicily and Sardinia. They also came from Spain and France whose very names and countries the Macedonians had never heard of before.

2320. Alexander had a list made of them and appointed who of them should see him first until he would have heard them all. He decided to see those who came about religious matters first. After that he would see those who brought him presents. Next he would see those who came about wars which they had with their neighbouring countries. Next he would see those who came about their particular and private interests. Lastly he would see those who came to show why they did not restore any Greeks whom they had banished from their cities or countries to their homes and estates again. In order to hear them, he had a throne of gold to be set up in the garden there and placed seats of silver for his friends. He took his place with his friends to hear these ambassadors. (Athenaus l. 12. c. 18. from Ephippius Olynthius) His main purpose was that after he heard them, to answer them so they would be content and to send every man away satisfied and well pleased.

2321. The first ones to see him were those who came from the city Elis. After he saw those who came from the temple and city of Ammon, from Delphi, from Corinth, Epidaurus and others. He heard each of them in order of the dignity and fame of the temples rather than of the cities from where they came from.

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2322. When he had heard the ambassadors from Epidaurus and granted their request, he sent a present and oblation by them to their god Eseulapius. He added these words:

``that Esculapius had dealt but unfavourably with him, in recently taking away from him, a friend, whom he loved as his own life.''

2323. He took all the statues of the illustrious persons or images of the gods or any other consecrated thing that Xerxes had before taken from Greece. He had set them up or otherwise placed them in Babylon, Susa, Pasargada and elsewhere in all Asia. Alexander ordered the ambassadors of Greece to take and carry these statues home again with them. Among the rest, he had the brass statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton to be returned to Athens with the image of Diana Cercaea.

2324. Concerning the restitution of the exiles of Greece, he sent this short epistle by Nicanor, a native of the city Stagyra, to be read and proclaimed at the next Olympic games.

King Alexander, to the outcasts of Greece sends greeting:

``We were not the reason that you were banished but we will take care to see you are all restored to your former estates except such as are banished for outrageous crimes. Concerning these things we have written to Antipater and ordered him to proceed by way of force, against all such as shall oppose your restitution.'' (Diod. Sic. l. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113. & l. 18. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2325. When he had taken care of all the ambassadors, he started to prepare for Hephaestion's funeral. He ordered all the cities in the region to contribute whatever they possibly could to the funeral. Moreover he expressly ordered all the cities and countries of Asia to put out the fire which the Persians called the "Holy Fire", until after the funeral. This was the custom in the funerals of the kings of Persia. This action was taken as an ill omen to the king himself and as portending his death.

2326. Thereupon all his chief commanders and friends made medallions of Hephaestion, carved from ivory or cast in gold or some other costly metal. Alexander called together the best workmen that were to be had. A large number of them broke down the wall of Babylon for about 1.25 miles. They took its brick and first levelled the place. They built on the location a square funeral pyre about 200 feet (130 cubits) high about 210 yards long. The body was to be burned on this. This work Diodorus describes in detail giving the total cost of this splendid funeral. The mourners, the soldiers, ambassadors and natives of the country tried to outdo each other in giving to this project. More than 12,000 talents was collected. (Justin l. 12. c. 12.) Plutarch and Arrian say it was about 10,000 talents.

2327. Alexander first threw Hephaeston's weapons into the fire and then threw in the gold and silver along with a robe of great value and esteem among the Persians. (Elia. Var., Histor. l. 7. c. 8.) Besides this, Alexander held games of gymnastics and music far beyond all that he had ever done before. The number of the winners and value of the prizes was greater than anything before. It is said, that there were no less than 3000 who entered the games for the prizes of all kinds. (Arrian. l. 7.)

2328. It happened that Philip, one of the king's friends returned to him from the temple of Hammon where he had been sent. He brought word from the oracle there that Hephaestion might be sacrificed to as a demigod. This greatly pleased Alexander. First of all, Alexander offered to him after that custom and then sacrificed to him 10,000 beasts of all kinds. He made a magnificent feast for all the people. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 114. & Arrian. l. 7. p. 157. 164.) He ordered Cleomenes the governor of Egypt (See note on 3673a AM) a lewd man, to erect temples in Hephaestion's name. He also ordered that no written contract would be good or valid if Hephaestion's name was not subscribed to it. He added this also in the letter which he wrote to him about this matter:

``For if I shall find that you have duly erected temples to Hephaestion in Egypt as to a demigod, I will not only pardon you of all your past offences which you have committed in your government but whatever you shall do after this shall never be laid to your charge by me.''

2329. Thereupon many cities started building temples and shrines to Hephaestion. They erected altars, offered sacrifices and observed holidays in his name. The most religious oath that a man could take was if he swore by Hephaestion, "it is true or false". Death was the reward for any man who faltered or failed in his devotion to him. Many dreams were said to have been of him and that his ghost appeared to many. Many words were recorded which his ghost had spoken and the answers which it made. Sacrifices were offered to him as to a tutelar god and a revenger of all evil. Therefore Alexander at the very first was wonderfully pleased with such fancies in other men but after a while, he began to believe them himself. He bragged that he himself was not only Jove's son but also that he could make gods of other men. At which time also, one Agathocles, a Samian and one of Alexander's best captains was in extreme danger for his life. He was accused that when he passed by Hephaestion's tomb, he was seen to weep. He would have undoubtedly died for it had not Perdiccas helped him out by a lie of his own making and swore to it by Hephaestion. He said that Hephaestion appeared to him as he was hunting and told him that Agathocles wept for him indeed but not as for one that was dead and now vainly called upon and worshipped as a god. He wept only in a due remembrance of the former intimacy and familiarity that was between the two of them. Except for this tale, Agathocles a great soldier and loyal to the king, would have died for being so kind to his deceased friend. (Lucian. in his book of false accusing.)

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3680d AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2330. The 114th Olympiad was celebrated at Elis. All agree that Alexander died in that year. (Josephus l. 1. cont. Apio.) This was the time when Hagesias or Hegesias was archon at Athens. (Diod. Sic. l. 17.) This is confirmed by Arrian in his 7th book of the deeds of Alexander that Alexander died toward the end of his year of archonship, in this very Olympiad year. This shall be noted by the month when he died.

2331. At the general assembly of all Greece at the Olympic games Alexander's letter for the restoring of all exiled persons to their homes and estates again was read publicly by the one who announced the winners in any game. Nevertheless, the Athenians and Etonans protested against it. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113. Justin, l. 13. c. 5.)

2332. While he was at Babylon, Alexander received his fleet according to Aristobulus. Part of it sailed down the Euphrates into the Persian Sea under the command of Nearchus. Some of the ships had been built in Phoenicia and Cyprus. 2 of the Phoenician ships had 5 tiers of oars and 3 ships had 4 tiers high and 12 were 3 tiers high. 30 vessels had 30 oars each. All these ships had been taken apart in pieces and carried overland to the city Thapsaca and there reassembled. They sailed on the Euphrates to Babylon. Alexander had some other ships also to be built at Babylon from those Cypress trees which he found in their gardens there. There was no other timber in those parts fit for ship building. Moreover there was brought to him at Babylon, all other provisions for shipping from Phoenicia and other cities that were along the sea coasts in Asia. Also shipwrights and mariners of all types came to him. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 741. Arrian. l. 7, p. 161. from Aristobulus.)

2333. Alexander had a port made at Babylon that was large enough to receive 1000 warships. He had built galleries and docks there and sent Maccalus a Clazomentan, with 500 talents into Phoenicia and Syria. He was to persuade or hire as many seamen as he possibly could to come and serve him. Alexander planned to make several colonies on the Persian Gulf and assured them that those places would be as lavish to dwell in as any places in Phoenicia. (Arrian, l. 7. p. 161.)

2334. All these naval preparations were made to attack the Arabians, under the pretence that among all other nations only they sent no ambassadors to him and showed no respect to him. The real reason was he had an inordinate desire to be sovereign over all. He had heard that they worshipped only two gods Jove and Bacchus. Alexander thought himself worthy to be worshipped as a third god among them if he could overcome them and restore to them, as he had done to the Indians, their pristine liberty. (Strabo l. 16. p. 741. & Arrian. l. 7. p. 161.)

2335. Alexander was told that Arabia that bordered on the sea coast, was as large as all India and had many islands lying near their coast. He sent Archias and Androsthenes (that is that Androsthenes of Thasus of whom Strabo, l. 16. p. 766. and Theophrastus, l. 2. of Plants, c. 7. mention.) and Hieron of Solos with 3 ships of 30 oars apiece. They were to sail from Babylon with orders to sail around Chersonese or the peninsula of Arabia. They were to find out what they could about all the ports in that region. Concerning these ports, Arcmas brought him word that there were two islands which lay out in the sea at the mouth of the Euphrates River. The smaller one he consecrated to Diana and was 15 miles offshore. Alexander, according to Aristobulus, named the island Learus. The larger island was a day and night's sailing from the shore in the same latitude called Tylus. However Hieron who went further than any of the rest, brought him word that the Chersonse was of a vast size and had a cape which ran far out into the ocean. Those who came with Nearchus by sea from India, described it to be not far off before they arrived at the mouth of the Euphrates River. (Arrian, l. 7. & in the end also of his Indica.)

2336. While his ships of war were being built and a harbour was being dug at Babylon, Alexander sailed down the Euphrates River 100 miles from Babylon to the mouth of the Pallacopa River. They rowed up and down and according to Aristobulus, he sometimes steered his own boat. He saw some ditches which he had scoured by those that were with him. They dammed up the mouths of some and opened others. They saw one dike among the rest on the Arabian side toward its marshy places. The outlet was difficult to dam because of the weakness of the soil. Alexander opened a new mouth some 4 miles from the other in somewhat more firm and hard ground and forced the water course in that direction. He saw there many monuments of the old Assyrian kings and princes who lay buried in that marshy country and in the middle of those lakes. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 741. Arrian. l. 7.)

2337. They sailed through those lakes into the body of Arabia. Alexander built a walled city there and planted there a colony of mercenary Greeks, volunteers and such as through age or otherwise were grown unfit for the war. (Arrian. l. 7.)

2338. He began to laugh and scoff at the Chaldeans and their predictions. He had entered Babylon and left it safely with his fleet. Therefore he sailed the more boldy through those lakes of Arabia, having Babylon on his left hand. (Arrian. l. 7. Appian. toward the end, l. 2. De Bell. Civil.)

2339. When a part of his army wandered up and down in those parts and were lost for lack of a pilot, Alexander sent them one who brought them into the right channel again. Then there arose a mighty wind which separated Alexander's ship from the rest of the fleet and hurled the king's hood off from his head into the water. His turban or diadem which was fastened to it, was rent from it and driven by the wind onto a large reed which grew close to a sepulchre of one of the kings who was buried there, as I said before. One of the mariners saw it and swam to it. He took it up and put it on his own head on his return for fear of getting it wet. Aristobulus says that the mariner who did it, was a Phoenician and that he was well scourged for presuming to put the king's turban on his head. After this accident Alexander consulted a wizard and was advised to offer a magnificent sacrifice to the gods and to be very diligent and devout in it. (Diod. Sic. see Appian, in his Syriaca, p. 124. in the Greek and Latin edition.)

2340. When Alexander was told that the Athenians and Etolians would not obey his edict concerning the restoring of their exiles, he ordered 1000 warships to be built. He planned to make a war in the west and to begin it with the destruction of Athens but died before he could do this. (Justin l. 13. c. 5. & Curtius l. 10. c. 4.)

[Soldier4Christ]

3681a AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2341. When Alexander returned to Babylon, he indulged in its luxuries. He was so addicted to gluttony and drunkenness that in the diaries that were kept by Eumenes Cardianus and Diodorus Erythraeus, it is often found that such and such a day or night Alexander was carried drunk to bed. (Athena. l. 10 c. 11. with Phillinus in Plut. l. 1. Sympos. c. 6.) One example of this is cited by Elian. (l. 3. Var. Histor. l. 23.) from Eumenes. I thought it good here to insert, so that may appear that some use may be made of my treatise of the Macedonian year compared with the days of our Julian Calendar. I first corrected that place in Elian where it is written without any sense and making it the month called Dios as thus:

``On the 5th of the month Dios (our Sept. 28.) he drank himself drunk at Eumaus' house. He did nothing all that day but rose and ordered his captains where they should march tomorrow. He told them that he would be going very early. On the 7th day (our September 30) he dined with Perdiccas and started drinking again. On the 8th (our October 1st) he slept all day and upon the 15th of the same month (our October 8th) he was drinking again. The next day (our October 9th.) he slept off all day according to his custom. Upon the 24th (our October 17th.) he ate at Bagoas' lodging which was 1.25 miles from the king's palace. Then on the 3rd (or rather the 5th) he slept it off again.''

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2342. When Alexander saw Babylon excel both in greatness and all other things, he planned to embellish it all that he could and to make it the place of his residence for the rest of his life. (Strabo. l. 15. p. 731.) He resolved to rebuild the temple of Belus and raise it from its ruin. Some say he planned to make it more magnificent than ever it was before. In his absence the Babylonians went on more slowly in the work than he would have liked. Therefore he intended to have all his army work on it. The work would require much labour and lots of time. Therefore he was not able to go through with it as he wanted to because he died soon after this. (Strabo. l. 16. p. 738. & Arrian l. 6. p. 159.)

2343. Alexander dreamed that Cassander killed him. He had never seen the man in all his life and shortly after this when he happened to see him, he recalled his dream. At first this alarmed him but when he understood that he was a son of Antipater, he cast out any fear of any harm from him especially of poison. This was at that time being prepared for him. He merrily utterred a certain Greek verse purporting that:

"So many dreams, So many lies."

2344. or something to that effect.

2345. When Cassander saw the foreign people prostrating themselves when they came to him and since he had never seen this done before he started to snicker. Alexander was furious and wrapped both his hands in his long hair and he beat his head against the wall. (Plut. in Alexand.)

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2346. A rumour was circulated that Antipater had sent a poison by Cassander to deliver it to his brother, Iolla, the cupbearer to the king. Iolla was supposed to have poisoned Alexander's last drink. It was also said that at the same time Alexander had sent Craterus with a company of old soldiers to succeed Antipater. (Curt. l. 10. c. 10.) Concerning the poison of which Alexander is said to have died, see Andraeas Schottus, and his collections on it made from various authors in the comparison which he makes, of the lives of Aristotle and Demosthenes. (to the 1st year of the 114th Olymp. and Mathaus Raderus, on Curt. l. 10. c. 7.) As for Craterus and his old soldiers that were sent away with him into Macedon, although Justin, Arrian and Plutarch report this event happening before the death of Hephaestion. However, it ought have happened at this time and not before as appears by many other arguments. In particular that at the time of Alexander's death, Craterus with his old maimed soldiers had not come into Macedonia but was still in Cilicia.

2347. Those who wanted to of the Macedonians who found themselves disabled through age or other weaknesses of body to follow the war any longer were dismissed by Alexander to return into their own country. The number of them at this time, came to 10,000. (Diod. Sic. l. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113) Justin (l. 12. c. 12.) states that it was 11,000. To each he not only gave their full pay for the time of service but also money for the journey home. If any of them had children from Asian wives, Alexander asked them to leave them with him. He feared lest that half breeds might in time stir up some rebellion in Macedon in contending with the wives and children who lived there. He promised that when the children were grown up, they would be trained in marshal discipline after the Macedonian custom. Then they would have them sent home to them. Justin says that those who returned, had their full pay for the time of their journey. Plutarch states that the children of the deceased, continued to receive their father's pay. He further adds that Alexander wrote to Antipater that they who returned should have the best places given to them in the theatres and should sit there with garlands on their heads. When they parted, they all wept including the king.

2348. Together with these, various friends were sent home according to Clytus, Gorgias and Polysperchon. If Claterus should happen to die on the way, as he was at that time quite weak and sickly, they would have a noble commander to lead them. He ordered Craterus to take the government of Macedon, Thrace, Thessaly and of free Greece in Antipater's place. Antipater was to come to Alexander and to bring with him an army of young lusty Macedonians to replace the old ones which he had sent home to him.

2349. When Craterus was sent to lead some old worn out soldiers into Cilicia, he received written orders from Alexander. Diodorus Siculus using the king's own commentaries states the main points were these. He should have 1000 war ships of 3 tiers of oars built that would be a little larger than ships of that size. These were to be constructed in Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia and Cyprus for his wars against the Carthaginians and others bordering on the sea coasts of Africa, Spain and the islands as far as Sicily. He was to give orders that his way along the sea coast of Africa as far as Hercules' Pillars was to be ready for him. To set aside 1500 talents to build 6 magnificent temples. He was to make ports in various places suitable to receive that large fleet. He was to take men from Europe into Asia and likewise from Asia into Europe to live in such new cities as he would build in either continent. Alexander hoped that by inter-marriages he might establish a peace between the two main continents of the world. These were his plans of which Lucan speaks in this manner. (l. 10.)

His purpose was the Atlantic Sea to sail; Nor fire, nor water, nor the Lybian sand. Nor Ammons Syrts could bound his vast desires. He would into the western clime wave gone, Where the sun stoops to fall into Tethis lap; And to have marched quite round about the poles, And drunk Nile's water, where it first doth rise, Had not death met him and his journey stayed. Nothing but nature could a period bring, To the vast projects of this mad-cap king.

2350. A little before his death, ambassadors came to him from Greece to acknowledge him as a god. They wore crowns of gold and placed them on his head.

2351. Pencestes returned from Persia with about 20,000 Persians and also brought a large company of Cossaeans and Tapurians along with them to Babylon for his service. These nations bordered on Persia and were reckoned the most warlike of any other nation. Philoxenus came with an army from Caria and Menander with another army from Lydia and Menidas with an army of cavalry. Alexander commended the devotion of the Persian nation and especially Pencestes for his just discreet government among them. He ranked both them and also those who came from the sea side with Philoxemus and Menander with his Macedonian squadrons. He had frequent naval exercises in which there were often sea fights between the ships of 3 and those of 4 tiers of oars on the Euphrates River. As well the mariners and the commanders in these exercises worked hard to outdo their opponents. Alexander always bestowed crowns and honoured those that did the best.

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2352. Once when he was ordering those companies who came with Philoxenus and Menander among his Macedonian squadrons, he happened to be thirsty (Arrian l. 7. from Aristobulus) He left his throne and some of his friends on the thrones next to his left to attend him. It happened that a certain lowly man, (some say that he was committed to custody but without irons on him) came through the middle of all the bodyguards and other officers, who stood closely around the throne and sat down on the king's throne. The bodyguards dared not pull him off the throne because there was a Persian law to the contrary. They rent their clothes, beat their faces and pounded their breasts. They took this as an exceedingly ominous omen against the king. When Alexander heard this, he caused the man to be racked to know whether he had done it with any plot with others or not and for what purpose. When he answered that what he had done was only from a light humour and fantasy which came into his head, the wizards told him that it was by so much the worse sign. Diodorus says that by their advice the poor fellow was killed for this act. They hoped that if there were any bad luck in this, it might happen on him not to Alexander. Plutarch states the same adding that when he was on the rack and asked his name he replied that it was Dionysius, a Messenian.

2353. A few days later the king sacrificed to his gods in thanksgiving for his good successes. This time he added more to the sacrifices than normal by the advise of the priests. After that he started feasting with his nobles and sat up doing this until late into the night. He also distributed beasts for sacrifices among the soldiers and gave them wine to drink. When he was leaving the feast, he was told that Medius a Thessalian had prepared a banquet and had invited him and all his company to it. At the banquet 20 guests sat. Alexander drank to their health and they the like to him again according to Athenaeus from certain memorials, commonly attributed to Nicobulus. (l. 10. c. 11. & l. 12. c. 18.)

2354. Alexander had called for a cup containing 9 quarts (2.25 gallons) according to Ephippius, in a book which he wrote of the death and burial of Alexander and Hephaestion as reported by Athenaeus. (l. 10. c. 11.) He ordered Proteas a Macedonian to drink to him. Proteas cried to let it come and he spoke many words greatly honouring the king. He took the cup and drank from it with such grace that all the table commended him highly for it. After a while, Proteas called for the same cup again and drank it to the king. Alexander took it and pledged him a great draught but could not drink it but let the cup fall from his hand. He lay along on the cushion and presently fell sick and died. This was that Herculean fatal cup to Alexander of which besides Diodorus and Plutarch, (Seneca also in his 83rd Epistle,) mention. Compare this with what Athenaeus states. (l. 11. c. 17. & Macrobius, l. 5. Saturnal. c. 21.)

2355. Aristobulus says that when he grew light headed with his fever and very thirsty, he called for a draught of wine and that cast him into a frenzy. So on the 30th day of the month Dasius, that is on the 24th of our May, Alexander died. Others say that he died on the 6th day of the month Thargelion with the Athenians as Elian has it. (l. 2. Var. Histor. c. 25.) This would be on May 18th. In the diaries that were kept of the kings actions it is said that he died the 28th day of the month Daesius or 22nd of our May. Therefore it is sure that he died in the month Daesius according to the Macedonian account and in our month of May although the writers disagree on the day of the month.

2356. From the diaries, Arrian and Plutach describe in detail the events that happened during his last sickness. No one can tell us who wrote those diaries of what he did. Whether Eumenes Cardianus or Diodorus Erythreus or Strattis Olynthius did this, we do not know. He wrote a diary of his deed in 4 books and one particular book of Alexander's death according to Duidas. Whoever's diaries they were, they contain the clearest account of what happened. Therefore have I thought it good to include what I found in Plutarch from these diaries. I compared them with the days of the Macedonian month of Daesius and our month of May using my own discourse of the Macedonian year.

``The 18th of the month Dasin's (May 12th) he slept in a bath for his fever. The next day (May 13th) after he had washed, he went to his chamber and spent that day there playing dice with Medius and then washed again. Toward the evening after his devotions, he ate his supper somewhat greedily and the next night had a grievous bout of a fever. On the 20th day (May 14th) when he had walked, he offered sacrifices very solemnly again. While lying along in a bath, he listened to Nearchus as he told him what things as had happened to him on his voyage and what wonders he had seen in the ocean. (May 15th) When he did the same this day, his fever increased. The next day (May 16th) his fever grew very sharply and he was carried to lie in a chamber near the great pool or swimming place. Here he talked with his commanders of putting approved men in places of office when offices needed to be filled. On the 24th (May 18th) his sickness grew worse and he offered sacrifice to which he was carried. He ordered the chief commanders and captains who were then in the court to stay with him but the centurions and corporals to serve outside and watch. He was carried into the innermost lodgings of the court. On the 25th day (May 19th) he had a little relief but his fever did not leave him. When the captains came to him, he did not speak to them at all and likewise on the 26th. (May 20th) Thereupon the Macedonians thought that he had been dead and came flocking with a great noise to the chamber door and threatened his friends who were there if they would not let them in. The doors were opened and every common soldier passed by his bedside. The same day Pithon and Selencus who were sent to Serapis' temple to learn whether Alexander should be moved there or not. They brought back the answer from the oracle that he should stay where he was. On the 28th day (May 22nd.) in the evening he died.''

2357. Now whereas I said that all the Macedonians passed by the king's bedside, it is to be understood that they came in at one door and went out another. (Lucian in Psendons.) Although he had grown weak and faint with the severity of his sickness, yet he raised himself upon his elbow and gave everyone of them his hand to kiss as he passed by. (Valer. Max. l. 5. c. 1.) This may seem more incredible in itself considering the posture he put himself in. He stayed in that position from the first until the last man of the army had passed by and kissed his hand. (Curt. l. 10. c. 7.)

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2358. When the soldiers were gone, he then turned to his friends and asked them whether they thought they should find a king like him or not? When no man answered that question, then again he said that as he could not answer that either. Therefore he foresaw how much Macedonian blood would be shed before this matter would be settled and with what great slaughters and shedding of blood they would solemnise his funeral and sacrifice to his ghost when he was gone. He ordered his body to be carried to the temple of Ammon and there to be buried. (Justin l. 12. c. 15.) When his friends asked him to whom he would leave his kingdom, his answer was, "To the strongest". Then he took off his signet and gave it to Perdiccas. By this they all conceived that his meaning was to commend the government of his kingdom to his care and trust until his children should come of age. (Emil. Probus in Eumene.) Again, when Perdiccas asked him when he would have divine honours performed to him, he replied that when they were all grown happy.

2359. Eratosthenes in his Canons, (mentioned by Clemens Alexanderinus l. 1. Srom.) says that 12 years passed between the death of Philip and the change, i.e. the death of Alexander. This is the very number given him in (/APC 1Ma 1:7 and in the Chronicles of the Jews and also in Jertullian. (lib. cont. Judaos. c. 8. in Porphyrie, cited by Euseb. p. 124 in Scaliger's Greek edition of him, in Rufinus, in Josephus' Antiquities l. 12. c. 2. in Orosius, l. 3. in Jerome and Theodoret on Daniel Da 11) Although A. Gellins, (l. 17. c. 21.) allows him only 11 years. Julius Africanus and from him Eusebius say it was 12 years and 6 months, Diodorus Sic. says 12 years and 7 months, Livy and after him Emil. Probus in Eumene say 13 years.

2360. There are just as many differences among writers concerning the years of his life as there are of this reign. Cicero in his 5th Philippic speaking, says:

``What shall I say of Alexander the Macedonian when he set himself on great achievements from his very youth and was he not taken off them until by death in the 33rd year of his life. A consul must by our law be ten years older than that.''

2361. Justin (in the last chapter of his 12th book) says that he died at the age of 33 years and one month. However (Philostratus, l. 2. de Vita. Sophista: in Herodes, Euseb. in Chron. and in his first book, de Vita Constants. and Jerome, on Da 8 11:1-45) and various other writers follow Eusebius, (in Chron.) and say he lived no more than 32 years. All which are nevertheless to be reduced to that rule given by Arrian. (l. 7. p. 167.) He lived 32 years and took up 8 months of the 33rd. year as Aristobulus says. However he reigned 12 years and 8 months.

2362. Immediately after Alexander's death, there arose such a dispute between the cavalry and foot soldiers of the army concerning the settling of the present state of things. They were ready to fight and to take up arms about it. Yet by the advice of the friends and commanders the matter was settled. It was agreed that the supreme authority or rather a bare name and shadow of it should be committed to Aridaeus the brother of Alexander and son to his father Philip. He was the son of Philinna of Larissa, a common dancer. (Athenaus, l. 13. c. 13.) states this from Ptolemy son of Agesarchus in his History of Philoptaer.) She was a whore. (Justin. l. 13. c. 2. & Plutarch in the end of his Alexan.) When by common consent he was proclaimed king, they called him by the name of Philip. Along with him was the son that Roxane would bare. She was 8 months pregnant with Alexander's son according to Justin. Curtius, (l. 10. c. 10.) says she was 6 months pregnant. No consideration was given to his son Hercules who then lived at Pergamus because he was born by Barsine who was never married to Alexander. Since Aridaeus was a weak spirited man but not through any natural infirmity of his own as Plutarch notes in the end of the life of Alexander. This was his normal nature. Therefore Perdiccas, to whom Alexander delivered his signet in the hour of his death, was made Lord Protector or Steward and in effect absolute king. The charge of the army and of all its affairs was committed to Meleager the son of Neoptolemus, with or under Perdiccas. The command of the cavalry which was the most honourable position in all the army and which after Hephaestion's death was given to Perdiccas, was now assigned to Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, yet with or under Perdiccas as the other was. The oversight also of the kingdom, and its treasure was commended to Craterus' trust. (Diod. in the beginning of his 18th book, Justin. l. 13. c. 1-4. Curt. l. 10. c. 10-12. Plutarch, in Eumene and Alexan. Dioxippus and Arrian. in their books written of what passed after the death of Alexander, in Phot. Bibliot. cod. 82. and 92. Appian. in his Syriaca. p. 120. 124.)

2363. Censorinus in his discourse, "De die natali", notes that the years of Philip are to be reckoned from the death of Alexander and always start from the 1st day of that month which the Egyptians call Thoth. For the Egyptian astronomers apply this calculation of times for ease of calculations to their own account. They make its start to be the 1st day of Thoth in the beginning of the 425th year of Nabonasar. That is on the 12th of November, in 4390 JP. This is in the 7th month before the true time of Alexander's death. From the beginning of that month Thoth it is that Ptolemy in his Manual Canons of Astronomy (not yet published) deduces the epoch or risings of all the stars of which he in his Preface "Ad Syrus" says:

``Here are fixed the epochs or start of all accounts according to the meridian of Alexandria which is in Egypt from the first day of the Egyptian month Thoth of the first year of Philip who succeeded Alexander, the founder of this city.''

2364. This is not Philip the father of Alexander, (as some have imagined) but of Philip, brother and next successor to Alexander. The Alexandrians for honours sake call Alexander their founder as he indeed was. It is added:

``For from the 1st day of his (meaning Philippus Aridaeus) reign, the times of the Manual Canons of Ptolemy, (who in them follows the common account or calendar of the Egyptians) are taken.''

2365. According to the rectifying of the Egyptian year (reduced to the Alexandrian account which Theon also used in his canon) are calculated. This we find also in the Greek collections published by Scaliger in his Eusebian Fragments. (p. 48.) Hence it is also that in the Epistle to Apollophanes (falsely attributed to Dionysius Areopagita: found in Hilduinus, in his Areopagatica) these astronomical tables are called, "The Canon of Philippus Aridaus."

2366. The dead body of Alexander had lain 7 days on his throne according to Justin. (Elian says 30 days, Var. Histor. l. 12. c. 64.) All the while men's thoughts were taken up about the settling of the present state and did not give Alexander a proper burial. Yet was there not in all that time found any putrification or the least discolouring of the flesh of his body. The very vigour of his countenance which is the proper effect of the spirit that is in a man, continued still the same. Therefore the Chaldeans and Egyptians were commanded to take care of the body. When they came to do it, at first they dared not approach to touch him for he looked alive. After saying their prayers that it might be no sin to them being but mortals to lay their hands on so divine a body, they started to work and dissected him. The golden throne where he lay, was all stuffed with spices and hung about with pennants and banners and other emblems of his high estate and fortune. (Curt. l. 10. in fi.)

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2367. Aridaeus was in charge of his funeral and of providing a chariot to carry the body into the temple of Ammon. We do not know whether this was Alexander's brother, as Justin has it, (l. 13. c. 4.) and Dexippus, as we find in Scaliger's Greek fragments of Eusebius, (p. 84.) or some other Aridaeus of whom we shall see more later. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.) He spent two whole years in preparation. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 114.) When Olympias, his mother, saw him lie so long unburied in great grief of heart cried out and uttered these words:

``O my son, you that would needs be counted among the gods and was in earnest about it. Could you not now have that which every poor man has, a little earth and burial.'' Elian. Varia. Histor. l. 13. c. 30.)

2368. Meanwhile when Sisygambes the mother of Darius, heard of his death, she was very sorrowful and covered herself with mourning attire. When her niece and nephew, Drypetis and Oxathres, came and fell at her knees, she looked away from them and would neither eat nor see the light any more. So on the 5th day after this, she died of hunger. (Diod. l. 17. in fi. Curt. l. 10. cap. 8.)

2369. Roxane who great with child, was favoured by the Macedonian army. She grew envious of Statira, the eldest daughter to Darius and she was one of Alexander's wives also. She sent letters and invited her to come to see her. As soon as she came, Roxane had both her and her sister Drypetis, Hephaestion's widow, murdered. She threw both their carcases into a well and cast earth upon them. Perdiccas knew of this and helped her. (Plut. in the end of the life of Alex.)

2370. Later Roxane gave birth to a son whom they named Alexander and the common soldiers proclaimed him king. (Arrian. in Biblioth. Plotis, c. 92., with Pausanias in his Attica and Dexippus in Scaliger's Greek fragments of Eusebius, p. 48.)

2371. Perdiccas ordered the purification of cleansing for the whole army by a solemn sacrifice. Since the death of the king, there were many disputes among them. The Macedonian manner of cleansing the army was like this. They cut a dog in two and laid the one half on the one side and the other on the other of the field where the army was to come. The army was to pass solemnly in procession between the parts. As the army passed, Perdiccas had some 300 soldiers thrown among the elephants to be trampled to death. These had followed Meleager when at the first assembly of the Macedonians after the death of Alexander, he arose and in a rebellous manner left them. All this was done in the plain sight of the army and in the presence of Aridaeus. Meleager had Aridaeus wrapped in purple clothes like a child and put on the royal throne. (Plutarch l. 2. de fortuna Alexandri) Meleager did not move for the present because no violence threatened him. However when he saw they were after his life, he fled to a temple and was there taken and slain. (Justin. l. 13. c. 4. Curt. l. 10. c. 12. Arrian. in Photius.)

2372. Diodorus (l. 2. year 4. Olymp. 18.) affirms that Alexander made his last will and testament and left it to be kept at Rhodes. Ammia, (Marcellinus, l. 23.) seems to say that in his will he wanted to leave all in the hands and power of one man. Curtius states:

``Some have the opinion that a distribution of the provinces was made by Alexander in his last will and testament. However, we have found that this was but an idle report although stated by various writers.'' (l. 10. c. 13.)

2373. Nevertheless, the writer of the first book of Maccabees seems to be of the first opinion as reported and believed by so many writers. They say that Alexander in his own lifetime, divided his kingdom among his most illustrious and noble officers. The chronologer of Alexandria (from whom, those barbarous and broken Latin fragments published by Scaliger, p. 58, 59. are taken) affirms that the division of the provinces, which Justin (l. 13. c. 4. Curt. l. 10. c. 13. Arrian in Phitii Biblioth. c. 92. Dexeippus ibid. c. 82.) and other writers report to have been made by Perdiccas. This was based on his will and was in this manner.

2374. In Europe all Thrace with the Chersonese and other nations bordering upon Thrace as far as Salmydessus, a city standing upon the Euxin Sea, was committed to Bysimachus, the son of Agathocles, a Pellaean. The region which lay beyond Thrace belonging to the Illyrians, Triballi, Agrians, Macedon and Epirus, stretching as far as the Ceraunian mountains with all Greece, was assigned to Antipater and Craterus. This was the division of Europe.

2375. In Africa, all Egypt and whatever else Alexander had captured in Cyrene or Libya with all that part of Arabia which borders on Egypt, was allotted to Ptolemy, the son of Lagus. Pausanias in his Attica says he was by those of Rhodes honoured with the surname of a Deliverer. The truth is that the Macedonians always believed that Ptolemy was a bastard son of Philip, Alexander's father. For his mother Arsinoe was pregnant by Philip and was cast off by him and she married a poor fellow of Macedon called Lagus. Thereupon it was that when after a while, (as Plutarch in a discourse of his, "De ira cohibenda", i.e. "Of suppressing a man's anger", says that Ptolemy to mock a poor school-master, would needs ask him:

``who was Peleius' father?''

2376. he asked him again,

``and I pray sir, who was Lagus' father?''

2377. He intimating by this the baseness of his birth on the father's side. (Curt. l. 9. c. 1., Pausanias in his Attica. p. 5. in the Greek edition of his at Fraeford, & Suidus on the word Lagus.)

2378. Cleomenes, who was left by Alexander, to gather up the tributes and other incomes of those parts, was ordered to turn over that province to Ptolemy and to hold his office as under him. Ptolemy entered that province shortly after the death of Alexander and died about 40 years later. Hence it is that Lucian, in his discourse of long lived men and in the fragments of Eusebius, published by Scaliger, (p. 49. and Porphyrie, ibid, p. 225. and Clemens Alexan. Stromat. 1. and Euseb. in Chron. and Epiphanius in his books of weights and measures) and others say that he reigned 40 years in Egypt. After him, his posterity down to Cleopatra held that kingdom under the title and name of Ptolemy.

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2379. In the Asia Minor, Eumenes Cardianus was assigned all Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and all the regions lying upon the Euxin Sea as far as Trapezond, a colony of the Sinopenses. Alexander did not subdue these people because he was involved in a major war against Darius. Eumenes Cardianus was ordered to make war on Ariarathes who only of these peoples resisted Alexander. Antigonus was made governor of Pamphylia, Lycia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia the Great. The lesser Phrygia, which lies on the Hellespont, was committed to Leonatus. The government of Lydia, both the inland country and the parts on the sea coast taking in Eolia and Ionia, was given to Maenander. He had it formerly by grant from Alexander. (Arrian, l. 3. p. 56.) The name of Meleager, is miswritten by Diodorus. Caria was given to Cassander the son of Antipater and Cilicia and Isauria, to Philotas.

2380. In the upper and greater Asia, all Syria and Phoenicia was committed to Laomedon, a Mitylenaean. The petty kings of the isle of Cyprus ruled as it had been granted to them by Alexander. Neoptolemus was set over Armenia, Arcesilaus over Mesopotamia and governor over the province of Babylon. Atropates, father-in-law to Perdiccas, was left governor of Media by Alexander himself. In this division, Justin (l. 13. c. 4.) and Orosius (l. 3. c. 23.) say that Atropates was made governor of Media the greater and Perdiccas' father-in-law of the lesser. He forgot that Atropates and Perdiccas' father-in-law were the same person. When Antipater had later better considered the matter, he made a second distribution in Triparadiso. He acknowledges that Media was assigned to Pithon. (l. 15. p. 660.) Nor is it likely that the son-in-law would in anyway diminish the authority of his father. The rule and government of the nearer Bactria and Sogdiana was put into the hands of Philippus. Oropius was joined with him in the government of Sogdiana. Dexippus says that after Orpius had received that kingdom of Alexander's bounty, he was put from it again for treason. The government of Persia, Pencestes of Hircania and Parthia, (for they went together, as Strabo, l. 11. p. 514 states) was given to Phrataphernes. In Carmania, Tlepolemeus, in the further Bactria and Parapamisus, the government was given to Olyartes or Oxathres, the father of Roxane, Alexander's wife. In Aria and Drangiana, bordering on Taurus, the government was given to Stasanor of Solos. In the provinces of Susa, Scynus, Arachosia, Gedrosia, and Sibyrtius continued with the governors that Alexander had assigned. All the coast of India from Paropamisus and from the place where the Acesines and Indus meet, down to the ocean, was given to Pithon the son of Agenor. The Oxydracans and Mallians was given to Eudemus or Eudemon, the commander of the Thracian companies. The rest of India was given to king Porus, Taxiles and to the son of Abisarus. These ruled the same territories Alexander had assigned to them.

2381. When this division was made, every man had his share as if it were allotted to him from heaven. They used the opportunity to increase their power and their pleasure. For not long after, they behaved more like kings than governors. They added to their kingdom and left it to their posterity. (Justin. l. 13. c. 4.) Immediately upon the death of Alexander, that vast empire and name of the Macedonians was divided into several kingdoms. (Livius l. 45.) However, no man assumed the title of a king as long as any of Alexander's children lived because of the great respect they had for him. Although they had the power of a king, they willingly refrained from using the title as long as Alexander had a lawful heir from his body living to succeed him. (Justin. l. 15. c. 2,) All of this was foretold long before by the Holy Ghost. Da 11:4.

3681d AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2382. Concerning the instructions given by Alexander to Craterus, Perdiccas referred the consideration of them to the general assembly of the Macedonians. Although they did not disapprove of them, yet because they were exceedingly grand and difficult to do, they ordered by a general consent that none of them should be done. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2383. The old Greek soldiers whom Alexander had left in garrisons and colonies in the upper Asia and various provinces became homesick and desired to see their native country. For they saw themselves as it were ejected and cast out into a far remote corner of the world. Therefore they joined together and revolted from the Macedonian state. They chose Philo an Enian, to head up this conspiracy. They assembled 20,000 foot soldiers and 3000 cavalry, all of them were old proven and expert soldiers. Against these, Perdiccas sent Pithon who had been one of the captains of the bodyguard of Alexander. He was a man of a high spirit and well versed in the art of war. He had 3000 Macedonian foot soldiers and 800 cavalry who were chosen by lot. He went with letters and instructions to the governors in all those parts, to furnish him with an additional 10,000 foot soldiers and 8000 cavalry. Pithon planned to win over to him by all possible means those old Greeks. He hoped that with their help and his forces, he might be the better able to establish himself and subdue all those upper provinces. When Perdiccas perceived this he tried to thwart his plan. He ordered Pithon that when he had overcome those rebels, he was to kill them all and divide their spoil among his soldiers. However Pithon had obtained secret information with Lipodorus, who commanded a rebel brigade of 3000 men. He defeated the rebels and did not kill them. He gave them permission to return to their own places. However the rest of the Macedonians remembered the order Perdiccas gave them and killed every one of them and shared their spoil. So Pithon failed in his scheme and returned with his Macedonians to Perdiccas. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. & Prolog. Trogi, l. 13.)

2384. When Ptolemy had quietly taken possession of Egypt, he acted fairly in all things toward the people of the land. He used 8000 talents to hire a mercenary army and pay those who came to him when they saw how fairly he administered Egypt. When he was told that Perdiccas planned to take over Egypt, he leagued himself firmly with Antipater. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.) By favours and good deeds he made the neighbouring kings and princes loyal to him. (Justin l. 13. c. 16.) When he found that Cleomenes, whom Perdiccas had given to him for a lieutenant, was a spy, he cut his throat and placed strong garrisons of his own all over Egypt. (Pausan. in Attic. p. 5. in the Greek and Latin edition.)

3682a AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2385. Leonatus and Antigonus were commanded to use force to make Eumenes governor of Cappadocia and Paphlaginia. However Antigonus, was proud and wanted the position for himself and refused to obey Perdiccas' command. In contrast Leonatus came down with his army from the upper provinces and promised Eumenes to help him. Nevertheless when Hecataeus, tyrant of the Cadians, came to Leonatus, he advised him rather for the present time to go and help Antipater and relieve the Macedonians who were besieged in Lamia. Leonatus resolved to sail to Macedonia. He wanted Eumenes to go with him and planned to fight with Hecataeus. When Eumenes would not go and alleged that he feared Antipater, Leonatus believed him and kept nothing from him. When he could not win him over he planned secretly to murder Eumenes. Eumenes found out about this and escaped by night with his carriages. He had with him only 300 cavalry, 200 of his bodyguard and 5000 talents in gold, after the rate of silver. When he came to Perdiccas, he told him all Leonatus' plans. Thereupon Perdiccas took him in for a loyal friend and vouched for him in the council. (Plut. and Emil. Pro. in Eumene.)

2386. When Leonatus came to help Antipater, he was killed in a fight by the Greeks. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. Justin, l. 13. c. 5. Plutarch in Phocion, Arrian in Photius.)

2387. When Thimbron captured Harpalus in Crete in a battle, he killed him. Harpalus had fled there from Asia and carried all the king's money with him. Thimbron got all the treasure, his army and fleet. He left Cydonia, a city in Crete, and with 6000 men or (as Diodorus has it) 7000 and sailed to the country of Cyrene. He was invited there by the exciles of the Cyrenians and the Barcenses, (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114, Arrian in Photius, Strabo, l. 17. c. 837.)

2388. In a battle against the Cyrenians, Thimbron slaughtered them and took many prisoners. He then seized their port and prepared to take the city itself. He agreed to peace if they would pay him 5000 talents of coined money and give him half their chariots equipped for service. He sent ambassadors to the other neighbouring cities to join with him, pretending that he would make war on Libya and subdue it. Moreover he laid hold on all the merchants' goods that were in the port and gave them to the soldiers to scramble for. By this he made them more eager to follow him. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2389. Mnasicles, a man of Crete and one of Thimbron's captains had a fiery disposition. He defected from Thimbron to the Cyrenians. By showing Thimbron's cruelty and unfaithfulness, he persuaded them to break their covenant with him and to fight for their former freedom. Thereupon, when they had payed only 600 of the 5000 talents, they would pay no more. Thimbron planned to destroy them and seized 800 of their men whom he found in the port. He came with his own men, the Barcenses and Hesperitans, before the walls of the city. They did what they could to take it but failed and retired to the port. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

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2390. The Cyrenians left sufficient troops to keep the town and went with the rest foraging into the neighbouring parts. When these sent to Thimbron for help, he presently went with all the troops that he could take to relieve them against the Cyrenians. When Mnasicles saw that there were few or no soldiers left in the port, he had those who were left in the city, to sally out and attack the port. Those of the city were easily persuaded to do this and followed him and attacked the port. Because Thimbron and most of his men were not there, they easily took it. Any goods as they there found there that belonged to the merchants, were faithfully restored to the owners. Mnasicles started to fortify the port against Thimbron in case he should return. Things went badly on Thimbron's side. For he had not only lost the port but with it all his provisions that were in it. However when he captured another town called Taricha, he raised his hopes again. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2391. Thimbron's mariners and sea soldiers were expelled from the port. They had no food and were forced to plunder the country for it. They were daily forced to do this. At last the men of the country found out their camps and laid wait for them. They slaughtered many and took as many prisoners as they had killed. They that survived, escaped to their ships and sailed toward other confederate places. On their way, there arose a violent storm which sunk many of the ships. Of those who escaped, some were driven ashore in Egypt and some in the Isle of Cyprus. Those who had encouraged the Cyrenians now fought against Thimbron and killed many of his men. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2392. Craterus departed from Cilicia with 6000 of those old soldiers who first came with Alexander into Asia. On the way he got 4000 troops besides 1000 Persian archers and slingers and 1500 cavalry. He hurried to the help Antipater and came into Thessaly. He yielded authority to Antipater and they both camped on the bank of the Peneus River. In the month of Munichion (our April), they fought a battle with the Greeks and defeated them. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. with Arrian. and Plut. in the lives of Phocion and Demosthenes.)

2393. After Jaddus, his son Onias succeeded him in the priesthood at Jerusalem (Joseph. Antiq. l. 11. c. 8. s. 7) and there held the position for 21 years. (Scalig. in Grec. Eusebius, p. 50.)

2394. Thimbron had hired new soldiers from Taenarus in Laconia. These soldiers wandered around Laconia and were out of pay. He started a new war with the Cyrenians. They asked help from the Africans and Carthaginians. Together they assembled an army of 30,000 men. After a long and bloody battle, they lost many men and Thimbron won. The Cyrenians lost all their own commanders and made Mnasicles their general. Thimbron grew proud of this victory and attacked and captured the port of Cyrene. Every day he assaulted the city. As the siege continued and with shortages of provisions, the Cyrenians began to fight among themselves. The common people carried the day and expelled the rich from the city. Some of those who were expelled defected to Thimbron and others went into Egypt. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2395. Those who fled into Egypt asked Ptolemy to restore them to their country. With his help, they returned with an army and naval forces under the command of Ophellas a Macedonian. When those who had defected to Thimbron heard this, they prepared to defect to Ophellas. When Thimbron heard of their intentions, he executed them. When the leaders of the common people of Cyrene were frightened by the return of their exiles, they made peace with Thimbron and joined with him. In a main battle they were all utterly vanquished by Ophellas. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2396. In his escape, Thimbron was attacked by some African Carters, who took and carried him to Epicides. He held the town of Teuchira in those regions under Ophellas. The men of that place, with Ophellas' permission, first scourged him with whips and then sent him to be crucified at the port of Cyrene. Since many of the Cyrenians still continued fighting among themselves, Ptolemy made a journey there by sea. When he had settled all matters there, he returned by sea the same way he went. (Arrian, in Phot. Biblio.)

2397. When Perdiccas had Philip and the royal army at his command, he went against Ariarathes, the petty king of Cappadocia. He had not accepted Eumenes as governor there as he was ordered to. At that time, Ariarathes gathered a large army of 30,000 foot soldiers and 15,000 cavalry. In two battles, Peridiccas killed 4000 men and took 6000 prisoners including Ariarathes himself. He first tortured him and all that were allied to him and then crucified them. He pardoned the rest. When he had settled all matters in Cappadocia, he committed the government of it to Eumenes, according to the first establishment. (Diod. Sic. with Arrian. and Plut. in Eumene, and Appian in his Mithridatica, p. 175.)

2398. Eumenes committed the various cities of his government to his most trusty friends and gave them garrisons. Without imposing on Perdiccas, he appointed judges and tax collectors as he saw fit. When this was done, he returned with Perdiccas out of respect to him and so that he might not be a stranger at court. (Plut.)

2399. Perdiccas and King Philip left Cappadocia and went into Pisidia. They planned to destroy two cities, one of the Larandaeans, the other of the Isaurians. In Alexander's lifetime, these cities had slain Balacrus the son of Nicanor whom he had placed over them. They took Laranda on the first assault and killed all that were of age and sold the rest for slaves. They laid the city level with the ground. When those of Isaurus saw they were besieged, they set the city on fire planning to kill themselves and destroy the city. However the soldiers, to whom Perdiccas had given the spoil of the city, quenched the fire and found a large accumulation of silver and gold there. (Diod. Sic. year. 2. Olymp. 114.) Justin says that this was done by the Cappadocians when they saw Ariarathes taken. (l. 13. c. 6.) Orosius says the same. (l. 3. c. ult.)

2400. Jollas, the son of Antipater and Archias came to Perdiccas from Macedon. He brought them Nicaea, Antipater's daughter to be his wife. Long before this when his affairs were more unsettled, Perdiccas had betrothed her hoping to secure Antipater's loyalty. Now that he had gotten the royal army and administration of the kingdom quietly into his hands, he planned to marry Cleopatra, daughter of Philip, the father of Alexander and Alexander's sister. Eumenes urged him to marry Nicaea so that he might the more easily have a supply of the Macedonian youth and that he might not have Antipater for an opponent in his undertakings. Therefore he married Nicaea when she came. He did this mainly by the advise his brother Alcetes. (Diod. Sic. and Arrian. with Justin, l. 13. c. 6.)

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2401. Cinna was another daughter of Philip's, and sister of Alexander but not by the same mother and brought her daughter Adea. She was called later Euridice and was to be married to Philippus Aridaeus. However Perdiccas and his brother Alcetes had her taken care of. Thereupon the Macedonians became enraged and Perdiccas to quiet them, was forced to give her mother in marriage to Arideus. (Arrian. in Photius.) There she is named, not Cynna, but Cynane. Yet in the same Arrian, (l. 1. deeds of Alex. p. 5.) she is called Cyna. Diodorus (year 1. Olymp. 116.) and Athena. (l. 13. c. 2.) call her Cynna.

2402. Perdiccas sent away Eumenes from Cilicia, under the pretence of taking care of his own government in Cappadocia. His real reason was that he might have control of the government of Armenia. Neoptolemus planned to make some changes there. However, Eumenes by flattery prevailed so much with him that although he was of an high and an intemperate spirit, Eumenes kept him in control. (Plut. in Eumen.)

2403. When Eumenes found that the Macedonian squadron had grown insolent and hostile, he raised an army of cavalry from the provinces in those parts. He remitted to them all payment of tribute and granted them other immunities. He furnished cavalry to those whom he most trusted and put them under his command. He encouraged their loyalty to him with his generousity and bounteous favours he bestowed on them. He kept them in shape by continual labours and journeys which he had them do. In a short time he had 6360 cavalry troops. (Plut. in Eumen)

3683a AM, 4392 JP, 322 BC

2404. Antipater and Craterus in Greece made war on the Aetolians. When Craterus' old soldiers were compelled by continual battles to lie abroad in the snow in the winter, they were ready to perish for want of supplies. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2405. Eumenes carried Perdiccas' presents to Cleopatra at Sardis. Perdiccas was now resolved to rid get rid of Nicaea, Antipater's daughter and to take Cleopatra to be his wife. Menander, the governor of Lydia told this to Antigonus, who was an intimate friend of Antipater. (Arrian) Perdiccas daily made false charges against Antigonus and tried to have him unjustly executed. Antigonus let on that he was coming to the hearing but secretly sailed in an Athenian ship with his son Demetrius and some other of his friends. They fled to Europe and there joined with Antipater. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

3683 AM, 4393 JP, 321 BC

2406. Aristander, a soothsayer of Telmessa proclaimed that it was revealed to him by the gods that the land where Alexander's body should rest would be the most happy of all others and forever free from all foreign invasions. Hence there was much strife among the leaders of Macedon about who should get the body. The main disagreement was between Perdiccas and Ptolemy the son of Lagus. (Elian. l. 12. c. 64.) Perdiccas arranged with his friends to have it carried to Eugos. (Pausan. in his Attica, p. 5.)

2407. However, Aridaeus who had custody of the body, crossed Perdiccas and carried it to Ptolemy as he was journeying from Babylon by Damascus to Egypt. And although he met with many impediments from Polemon, a good friend of Perdiccas, yet he carried it into Egypt as he planned to. (Arrian. in Phot.)

2408. He spent two full years in preparations for this funeral and its magnificence is recorded in detail by Diodorus. Finally, he moved the body from Babylon with a very large number of workmen to open and level the ways where needed. Many others attended the funeral and followed him. Ptolemy with his whole army, went as far as into Syria to meet him. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 114.) He took the corpse and buried it first at Memphis with all rites and ceremonies after the Macedonian custom. (Pausan. in his Attica. p. 5.) A few years later, it was moved to Alexandria, (Curt. l. 10. c. ult.) by his son Ptolemy Philadelphus and not by the father, (as Pausanias intimates in his Attica, p. 5. of which, see more in Strabo, l. 17. p. 794.)

2409. Perdiccas called a council of captains and friends in Cappadocia and asked them whether he should march with his army first into Macedon against Antipater or into Egypt against Ptolemy. Some were of the opinion to go first into Macedonia but it was resolved that it was best to begin with Ptolemy in Egypt. Otherwise when Perdiccas was engaged in Europe, Ptolemy might come and take over Asia. Therefore Perdiccas gave to Eumenes, in addition to what he had already, the provinces of Caria, Lycia and Phrygia with the government of all that part of Asia which lies between the mountain of Taurus and the Hellespont. Eumenes was ordered to take charge of all the garrisons in Cappadocia and Armenia. He was to use them to check the actions of Antipater and Craterus, to fortify all places upon the Hellespont and to prevent their landing in case they pass through the sea in those parts. Moreover Perdiccas ordered his brother Alceres and Neoptolemus that they obey Eumenes in all things. He wanted Eumenes to do things as he would think best for the present using his discretion. Cilicia was taken from Philotas and committed to Philoxenus. Perdiccas left Damasens to better conceal his actions. He took Aridaeus and Alexander the son of Alexander the great by Roxane along with him. He marched toward Egypt to fight with Ptolemy. (Diod. Sic. Justin. l. 13. c. 6. Arrian. Plut. Emil. Probus, in Eumene, Pausan. in his Attica. c. 5.)

2410. Antipater and Craterus were told by Antigonus that Perdiccas had married Cleopatra and planned to invade Macedon and set himself up as absolute king to remove them from their governments. They made peace with the Eolians and left Polysperchon to manage all matters in Greece and Macedon. They hurried into the Hellespont on the Asian side and kept those who were appointed to keep that passage busy by sending daily embassies to them. They also sent ambassadors to Ptolemy who was otherwise a deadly enemy to Perdiccas as they were also. They desired him to join with them. They also sent to Eumenes and Neoptolemus both who were at that time in good standing with Perdiccas. They had Neoptolemus defect from Perdiccas and join them but could not win over Eumenes. (Diod. Sic. Justin, ut sup. and Arrian.)

2411. Alcetes, Perdiccas' brother, flatly refused to bear arms against Antipater and Craterus. Neoptolemus envied the power of Eumenes, and secretly joined with them but also plotted to kill Eumenes and betray all his army into their hands. When Eumenes discovered this, he was forced to fight it out with the traitor in a battle. He made a great slaughter of Neoptolemus' men, took all his baggage and won over the rest of his troops to his side. Eumenes became stronger with the addition of so many good Macedonian soldiers to his former army. Neoptolemus escaped with 300 cavalry only and fled to Antipater and Craterus. They again sent ambassadors to Eumenes to win him over and promised that he should not only hold what he had but also have more provinces given to him. When he replied that he would rather loose his life than break his word to Perdiccas, they divided their army in two. Antipater marched with one into Cilicia from there to Egypt to join forces with Ptolemy against Perdiccas. The other stayed behind with Craterus to fight with Eumenes.

2412. When Eumenes saw the enemy coming on, he feared least his soldiers, knowing against whom he was to fight with would not go with him but disband and flee from him. Therefore he led them about by an unfamiliar way where they might not easily hear how the matters went. There was already rumours buzzing among them, that Neoptolemus was recruited and he came on together with Pigris with an army of Cappadocian and Paphlagonian cavalry. Eumenes arranged it by carefully choosing his ground everywhere he went so that he could force the enemy to fight with the cavalry and not foot soldiers. Eumenes had a much stronger cavalry and was weaker than the enemy in foot soldiers. He had 20,000 foot soldiers from various nations and some 5000 cavalry. He trusted the latter to carry the day. Craterus had a little more than 2000 cavalry and as many foot soldiers as Eumenes. However, his soldiers were all old veteran Macedonians who had proved their valour and he trusted that they would secure the victory for him.